The nation held hostage to its political aberration

Esconsed comfortably in their ministerial berths and other positions of privileges as well as enamoured with the perks and advantages accompanying those positions, if they are tempted to retain their grip on the levers of power also in the next general election -- there cannot be any dispute over it. But there are disputes over the manner they want to accomplish it through an 'election engineering' -- in the words of opposition leaders. To eliminate the chances of any foul-play or manipulation in the election the AL-led 14-party already proffered a proposal for electoral reforms which now dominate the country's political discourse.

Many like me gave no credence to the proposals and thought it to be one of those platitudes of the grumbling opposition which lost more elections than it could win in the past. Initially the people seemed generally dismissive of it. But once the electoral process for election 2007 took off with the preparation of a voter list, it was a total shock. The manner in which a controversial Electoral Commission produced a 'fake' and 'weired' voter list by disregarding the court ruling, squandering public money to the tune of 60 crore taka and appointing BNP and Jamaat cadres for the job not only shook the public confidence, it robbed the Commission of its moral authority to continue in the same office. The people were left in no doubt that the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), a non-descript maverick of arcane conduct, is indeed planted by the establishment in a nationally vital office with a mission.

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Then there are other sensitive issues of importance connected to the electoral reform proposals. Without those issues addressed the opposition is unwilling to participate in the election to avoid what it calls a 'trap'. Can there be any credible election without AL, the country's largest single party, taking part in it? At least the donor countries including the US, EU and UK want to see the election participated by all major parties. Yet with the ball in their court the establishment, which is also at the giving end, is mysteriously nonchalant while the country is pushed towards a collision course. With only four months now left for the alliance to hand over power to caretaker government the establishment is trying to traverse a beaten track of brow beating the public to submission. In spite of occasional lip service to settle the differences on reform proposals through a dialogue the alliance leaders' body language do not suggest that they would yield to any of the reform proposals put forward by the opposition. Instead they are in a mood to bulldoze the election on their terms.

We saw during the week what could be its consequence: an ordinary political difference snowballing into a major conflict. With a win-win prospect on both sides it can be a costly conflict -- one that the nation can hardly endure. The conflict has already escalated beyond proportion and the government is playing dangerous game by getting its opponents sized up by the police and other forces. The people also are willy-nilly getting involved in it thus completing in more than one way the circle of public alienation. It unavoidably sparked the people's wrath and aroused still latent phenomenon of people's power. The establishment's calculation is bound to go haywire if the confrontation prolongs.

All who assembled, for example, in Kanchpur, were certainly not the enlisted members of the AL. But once they saw the political activists voicing some of their demands beaten up by police they spontaneously joined their ranks and fought the police. The dissatisfactions have been brewing up on several fronts i.e. price hike, inflation, corruption, the lack of public utility services and so on. It would be foolhardy to add to the list an avoidable confrontation leading to deepening political crisis which would only exacerbate the overall delicate situation facing the nation.

A credible general election leading to the peaceful transition of power is the cry of the hour. The government must establish its bonafide as one for ensuring it. No 'hide and seek', trickery or deficit will take us far. No repressive measures, application of force or puerile comments in the parliament will resolve the problem. Neither will an election disregarding opposition views will have legitimacy either at home or abroad.

At another end of the spectrum is an Awami League with much of its setbacks emanating from its poor leadership, lack of an election strategy and its apathy to introspect over its past mistakes. As a result, the party is slurred with the ignominy of defeats in spite of its enviable score of popular votes in the election. Notwithstanding the success of Dhaka siege, the road ahead for the AL is slippery indeed with powerful opponents arrayed against it. Only a responsible and disciplined approach to the political issues and action programme on them will pay the party its dividend.

In spite of ascendancy in its street power the Awami League must still consider a peaceful dialogue with the BNP to iron out its differences with the latter. Likewise, the BNP will find it more cost effective to give dialogue a chance in spite of its formidable muscle power. The miracle is what must be awaited till the last in any political deadlock.

Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.