Education system in chaos

Weeks of protest, and work stoppage, by government primary school teachers last month, marked by occasional violence, ended with the government yielding partially to demands for pay rise. But over 100,000 registered non-government primary school and community school teachers have declared an indefinite strike from August 1 demanding that their jobs be "nationalized" (now acceded to by the government).

More than 10 million students in 25,000 secondary schools, madrasas and technical and vocational schools have been locked out of their classes for a month by the teachers' strike. Government college teachers, getting no response to their different demands, have announced work stoppage from August 5.

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Universities are afflicted by diverse ills. The premier engineering and technology institution of the country, BUET, was closed sine die on 31 July when violence erupted following demands by the students for the postponement of term examinations. A sampling of headlines from newspapers in the past week shows the array of problems.

-- All Dhaka University examinations to be held in the arts building and the Curzon Hall on July 31 postponed. No new date announced. (July 30)

-- Seventeen students of Dinajpur Medical College injured in a fight among factions of JCD on seat allocation in the student hostel. (July 30)

-- Six, among 17, arrested by RAB for obstructing distribution of tender documents for health ministry construction contracts are JCD cadres. (August 1)

-- Students on rampage on fifth day of protest at Sher-e-Bangla Agriculture University against corrupt university officials. (August 1)

-- Five students of Jahangirnagar University hit by gunfire and 25, including teachers, injured in fight between two factions of JCD. Over 50 rounds of shots exchanged. (August 2)

-- Teachers at Sher-e-Bangla Agriculture University on strike protesting assault on teachers by JCD cadres. (August 2)

-- No electricity and water in Faridpur Medical College Hostel. Students lock main gate and hold "sit-in" at principal's office. (August 3)

-- Admission process halted in Rajshahi City Government College. Principal confined in office, furniture damaged. JCD President of College Unit demands admission from "waiting list." (August 3)

-- Transport Administrator of Islamic University assaulted and offices ransacked. JCD cadres demand cancellation of operation of rented vehicles by university. Teachers' Association boycotting classes since July 19 for alleged complicity of VC in "mass appointments" of JCD and Islamic Chhatra Shibir (student front of Jammat-e-Islami) members. (August 3)

-- At Shahjalal University of Science and Technology, Bangladesh Chhatra League called indefinite strike from August 9 as university re-opens after being closed since May 14. Protesters demand withdrawal of Vice Chancellor who had resigned on May 14 when a student was shot dead by police following violence between two student groups. VC returned to campus on July 5 under protection of police and JCD cadres. (August 3)

-- Shibir men beat up Rajshahi University Controller of Examinations and colleagues as he refused to hand over a certificate to Shibir men in absence of the certificate owner. (August 4).

The list can go on to illustrate how poisoned the total environment has become. Teachers' unions have certainly seized on pre-election vulnerability of the government. They will win (and have won) some of their demands, that will neither satisfy the teachers fully nor do anything to improve the quality of education. The roots of discontent will not disappear, and the teachers will again return to the street. At the same time, criminal activities, disruption of education, and interference in institutional operations by front organisations of political parties have become a permanent, and pervasive, feature of academia, rather than occasional incidents.

Crime, mismanagement and violence in academia are the most serious obstacles to education reform and development. Unfortunately, the causes lie in the political culture, and practices, which will not disappear even with a change of government. As manifestoes, and platforms, are prepared for the upcoming general election, politicians of all hues need to be reminded of what must be done to salvage the education system from the grip of permanent mayhem.

-- Unequivocal pledges are needed from political parties to disband, and withdraw support to, front student organisations. This one step, alone, would dramatically reduce crime and violence on campus and restore management authority of the administrators in academia.

-- The political parties, with a lead given by the government, must stop looking for party and ideological loyalty over the established rules and criteria of academic records and competence, in making decisions regarding appointments. The Jamaat appears to have been ruthlessly determined in planting their loyalists in the academia. The loyalty factor which now rules supreme in appointments, from Vice Chancellor to the office peon, has placed incompetent people in responsible positions, and is the main obstacle to decision-making by rules and set criteria.

-- A commitment is needed from political parties to move systematically towards decentralisation of education management with authority, accountability and transparency at school and community level. The Upazila, and the district, should become units for planning and supervision for primary and secondary education. At tertiary level individual institutions should be held accountable, with greater authority devolved gradually to each as it demonstrates its capacity to manage its own affairs. This devolution, with established rules and performance standards, is the key to linking teachers' higher remuneration to quality of education. Political parties must abjure from populist pledges to "nationalize" education which, as experience shows, is virtually to take away real accountability from institutions.

-- A statutory permanent national education commission is needed which can be a forum for examining, on a regular basis, complex issues of policy, goals and their realisation; help to make policy making less dependent on the whims and predilections of individuals in office; hold the government accountable for its performance; and report to the nation annually, about education, through the parliament. This will work only if it consists of deserving people and the loyalty factor does not come into play again, as is the case with so many other statutory bodies at present.

The children of those people (politicians and bureaucrats) who can do something about the turmoil in education go to private and elite schools unaffected by the situation. The on-going civil society dialogue for good governance and fair election, preoccupied with larger political and macro-economic issues, has not highlighted sharply enough the disarray in education governance.

Dr. Manzoor Ahmed is Director of BRAC University Institute of Educational Development.