Does diplomatic norm permit expression of concern?

In his letter he has also suggested that the 'relatively junior officials' who have been appointed Heads of Diplomatic Missions in Bangladesh should have desisted from the 'offensive manner' in which they have 'blatantly interfered' in the domestic affairs of Bangladesh. In this context it has also been mentioned that hopefully the 'next elected government will put the diplomats in place and interpret the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Practice to govern their conduct'.

I have been following the tenor of such argument with great interest for the past few months. I have also read several articles and editorials in our print media and also heard references to similar views in the electronic media by politicians from the BNP led Four-Party Alliance. There has been criticism that some of the diplomatic representatives based in Missions in Bangladesh and representatives of international multilateral financial institutions have been inappropriate in their comments with regard to our domestic political scenario and internal governance.

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Any addressing of this issue will require focusing on the current volatile situation in our country. There is deep polarisation. The potential dynamics has gradually shifted away from moderation, flexibility and compromise. Widespread disappointment has followed general resentment at the failure of our Caretaker Government in being able to resolve the political crisis.

One has witnessed the emergence of several developments. We had hoped that all political parties would be able to come to a consensus on matters of reform pertaining to the electoral process. Unfortunately this has not come to pass. The scenario has continued to deteriorate. Necessary political will has not been forthcoming.

Today millions of people feel that the moral leadership that should have been provided by the Chief of this Caretaker Administration has not been evident. In most situations we have observed a presidential, unilateral view in the tackling of problems. The philosophy of participation and consensus that is expected in the decision making of a Caretaker Administration has been absent. This trend has not contributed to the reduction of tension. It has instead made things more difficult.

When the concept of a Caretaker format was introduced, it envisioned neutrality, fairness and the creation of an even playing field. It was expected that within the shortest possible time, under this arrangement, all steps would be completed and all measures undertaken to ensure a free and fair election without 'the shifting of goal posts'.

The constitutional arrangement that resulted in the Caretaker matrix anticipated that the principle of trust would not be compromised. This step was undertaken as an alternative to a stronger, more independent and financially autonomous Election Commission that is considered by most functioning democracies as the bastion of any fair electoral process.

Unfortunately, the principle of 'election engineering' has dominated the scene this time round. Partisanship has affected neutrality. Lives have been lost unnecessarily towards achieving of a fairer process that should have been put in place initially. Precious time within the limited constitutional period of ninety days has passed without significant contentious issues being redressed effectively.

We still have a flawed voters list and elections are going to be held on the basis of such an unsatisfactory document. Many citizens from minority groups have been left out. Superficial efforts have been made to rectify and correct some of the failings. The general public however believes that more could have been done. Some political leaders have tried to soften the prevailing disapproval by pointing out that imperfect voters lists also exist in other countries, including some countries in Europe. I fail to understand this sort of logic. This is positively adding insult to injury.

The 14-Party mega alliance, which now includes Ershad's Jatiyo Party and the Liberal Democratic Party, have reiterated that they want a 'free and fair' election as opposed to a poll that might be termed as 'unilateral.' This view is a reflection of the aspirations of the vast majority of the voting population. This newly formed Alliance wants a favourable atmosphere for the holding of elections -- free of intimidation and fraud. They want an election where all political parties have an equal opportunity through a pragmatic election schedule. They want that all voters are able to exercise their rights without prejudice within an acceptable and equitable parameter.

It is against this background that we need to reflect on the views expressed in the letter to the editor. We have to address this matter not with a spirit of xenophobia but in the context of overall concern.

I am not an apologist who will accept the transgression of diplomatic norms. I will never condone unnecessary interference in the domestic affairs of any country by a foreign representative.

I cannot however overlook the spirit with which the diplomatic representatives based in Bangladesh have made comments in the recent past. We have to understand that they are concerned about good governance and a fair electoral process. After all, they are also stakeholders in our economic development and our attempts towards the eradication of poverty. It is quite natural that as friends and international partners, they will be worried about the manner in which the political dynamics is evolving.

I have always believed that every nation needs to look at its rear view mirror and not forget its history. This applies for all including the USA, the UK, and other developed countries. It is also appropriate for developing nations. After all, today, due to increasing globalisation, we are living in a global village. Instability, lack of good governance, corruption, absence of human rights, fundamentalism associated with terrorism -- all these factors impact not only on the state where these are taking place but also on the surrounding contiguous region.

If today, we have a situation, where the United Nations Secretary General or the European Parliament or senior officials and diplomats of friendly countries express their anxiety, then such expressions should not be construed as a violation of the Vienna Convention. We are also not the only country whose electoral process has been the subject of scrutiny by foreign representation.

We should not be afraid to be accountable to world opinion. We should not also hesitate to institute strengthening of institutional reforms. In the last few days, diplomatic representatives (other than from Muslim countries) have been calling on discussing with both the Four and Party Alliance as well as the 14-Party Mega Alliance about the various aspects of our forthcoming election. They are doing so because many of them will be sending observers to our country ahead of and during the electoral process. This measure has now become an acceptable compromise in determining the fairness of the manner in which any election is carried out. This in turn creates the legitimacy in the international arena.

What we probably require is more self-introspection. We need to take a step back and ask ourselves why such concern is being expressed. After all, the countries and international agencies doing so appear to have one thing in common -- an earnest desire to see the restoration of stability through a free and fair electoral exercise. It is also implicit that these diplomatic representatives have taken these extraordinary steps only after consultation with their capitals. They have watched the inertia that has gripped this Caretaker Administration and come forward with a helping hand. Their efforts do not appear to be directed in favour of any particular political party or aimed at supporting the demands of any political Alliance. It should not be viewed as such.

Accordingly, such initiative needs to be understood within the broader framework rather than confined and limited interpretations. Political uncertainty after all, is a silent killer that we can do without.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador who can be reached at zamir@dhaka.net