Opinion

Fair elections: Within or beyond 90 days?

Dr. M S Haq
If the election is held within the constitutionally stipulated 90 days, there are chances AL and other political parties of the grand alliance would not participate in it, unless those parties decide otherwise within a reasonable period of time between now and the start of relevant election processes against the backdrop of the election date recently re-fixed by the government. On the other hand, if the election is held on a date beyond the 90-day time limit, there are possibilities BNP led alliance might boycott the election, save and except another election date is acceptable to them.

In events, such as, if the parties concerned opt for continuing their rigid positions on remaining or newly found (or both) election issues or if they become unsuccessful in resolving the dispute in, for example, a satisfactory fashion or if they fail to assist the government in the resolution of dispute in a timely manner, per se, the parties (as applicable) might resort to, for example, more (even violent) political programmes that could harm further the country and people in numerous ways and in varying degrees, relative to time, space and other variables, though. Consequently, situations arising out of, for example, those programmes could then compel the government to take measures to contain the situation in the greater interest of say, Bangladesh and its people. Such measures could include, inter alia, the declaration of state of emergency, withholding the election for, an indefinite period; referring pertinent matter(s) to the country's judiciary for say, its opinion or decision (or both) on those matters as per provisions of the law of the land and constitutional amendments, to mention a few. The opportunities for exploring and harnessing the last two measures also exist as of now, though.

The people of Bangladesh, the political parties, the government, civil society, the media (both print and electronic) as well as friends and well-wishers of Bangladesh (such as, the US, the UK, the EU, Australia, Canada, Pakistan, and India) and others may, among other things, follow more carefully events that might unfold in coming days and decide appropriate strategies as to how to meet challenges and uncertainties associated with the election in a more collective, transparent, responsible, cost effective and result-oriented manner.

It is good to note that BNP, AL and other political parties have so far shown flexibilities on matters relating to the country's upcoming election and provided support to the government and others in their effort towards resolving election related dispute. It is fine.

I will, however, be failing in my duties, if I do not mention here the ongoing contribution of the country's friends and well-wishers to resolving the dispute to the satisfaction of at least majority of Bangladeshis, per se.

A free, fair, credible and acceptable election can, among other things and in many senses, be considered as part of human rights. In the contemporary democratic system of governance, elections of above nature are critical to harnessing and sustaining, for example, political will in favour of supporting and promoting peace, progress, prosperity and security of people on a per capita, as well as continuous basis. In Bangladesh, the people, political parties and others do believe in that, in varying degrees, though. But they are yet to be fully able to transform their belief into a solid practice, relative to time, space, interpretations and other variables. As a result, political parties have not, in an average sense, yet been able to perceive and treat elections, in a professional way. The good news is: political events and experiences particularly those of recent times have increasingly been instrumental in assisting the people in their effort to realise, in a more sensible manner, the need and the advantage of a fair election. And the bad news is: what additional costs Bangladesh will have to pay for fair elections through the foreseeable future?

It now appears that the time presently available for, say, implementing a more reliable and acceptable voter list; establishing a more clean election management structure; and creating an environment more conducive to voters to exercise their voting right; all in pursuit of a fair election is not perhaps adequate. In view of that and other considerations, it is apparent that it would not, among other things, be morally right on the part of people, political parties and government to not participate in an election that could be made more fool-proof in the greater national and global interest and within a reasonable period of time. Bangladeshis would not, however, like to witness another episode of the 1996 re-election.

Now, some of the questions are: Whether AL (including other alliance members), friends of Bangladesh and others will double their efforts towards convincing BNP (including other alliance members) to accept a new election date beyond the 90-day time limit in pursuit of a generally acceptable election in the country? Whether BNP will set an example by accepting a mutually agreed new date for the election? Whether AL and BNP will agree to propose jointly constitution related amendments reflecting on say, the extension of tenure of the caretaker government in order to facilitate the election on the agreed date to President Prof. Dr. Iajuddin Ahmed? Whether they will be able to secure the president's approval with regard to that proposal? The main thing is:

if there is a will, there is a way.