Perspectives
Looking beyond the obvious
The citadel of BNP, the longest ruling political party of the country, has been demolished, and the myth of its invincibility and clean image exploded with the unveiling of its ugly face of depravity -- after its fall from power. The still unfolding exposure, through the joint forces' expedition, enquiry and interrogation, of the plunder, terror and myriad other crimes perpetrated by its operatives has indeed baffled the party's one- time admirers and adherents.
Split into rival groups exchanging accusations, innuendos and desultory remarks, the prospect of the party's survival as a united entity is widely considered to be at its nadir. The flippant comments of a few of the BNP enthusiasts can, at best, be likened to the spasms of a dying-man. Any political outfit brought into existence through extra-political means usually meets this fate.
But, to the discerning observers, the daily drama surrounding BNP is more than that meets the eyes. Although BNP is apparently down and dumped, it may still be the preferred choice of the establishment to carry out the calibrated changes in the country's body politic. Even after the party's fall from grace, the BNP's legacy is still alive in many purported arrangements made during its long years of rule of this country.
Its lengthening shadow can be seen in the vital state organs like the presidency and parliament, which are, perforce, still embellished by BNP's elected president and speaker. Prof Iajuddin, whose role in Bangabhaban as the head of a self-appointed caretaker setup was responsible for the final phase of the turbulence necessitating imposition of emergency, is hale and hearty there.
There are, however, areas where BNP's continuing legacy has long-term impact of historical dimension. One such area has been the subversion of justice with regard to the assassination of Bangabandhu, and the bestial murder of four national leaders in captivity. All BNP governments, right from the time of General Ziaur Rahman, are party to this subversion and the mortal blow they inflicted on the founding principles of the country by awarding the criminals state sponsored reward of lucrative jobs and by rehabilitating the anti-liberation forces in national politics.
All these continue to shape the country's political configuration, and the BNP is better aware of its nitty-gritty.
Moreover, the BNP, even if divided, is a stakeholder in the country's electoral position. So it cannot be summarily dispensed with. After all, on the top of the agenda of the interim government is a credible election with the participation of the country's political forces, including the BNP, hence its indispensability. But it must be baptised to the mantra of "reforms," and its pliability tested, before being bestowed with the status even of a "King's" party, if necessary under much touted doctrine of necessity.
It is not for nothing that old, reluctant, Saifur Rahman, who had already announced his retirement from politics when a smearing campaign started against him, was brought to the helm of the party in a midnight melodrama.
Although this unforeseen change for inexplicable reasons intensified the BNP's intra-party crisis, which deepened with the violent reaction of the party's pro-Khaleda elements as well as the arrest of Hannan, the chairperson's adviser, the BNP's attraction to the establishment does not seem to have been diminished by the events, and the concerned sides are not likely to be deterred by such problems.
At the other end of the spectrum, the rival Awami League's reltions had never been smooth with the power wielders. Notwithstanding Awami League's pragmatic approach to the gamut of national political issues, the establishment would never like to give a freehand to the party and would want to keep it tied with a plethora of conditionalities.
In spite of the Awami League's combative policies of the past, it is now extremely circumspect with regard to its dealing with both the interim government and the Election Commission. "Once bitten, twice shy" -- the party is carefully avoiding the polemical path.
Yet, an assault on the party in the manner it was done with the BNP cannot be ruled out altogether, even though the Awami League accepted the interim government in its open embrace. For reasons still not convincingly clear, the bonhomie was soon over and the relation went sour. Tofail Ahmed, a front ranking leader of the Awant League rightly said that it was a "difficult time" for the soldiers of the ideals of Bangabandhu. But they certainly have assets to parry the blows from any quarter.
The AL's assets lie in its mass base and the history of its birth, and the way it developed into a platform for the dedicated and bedraggled soldiers of political activism. All said and done, ultimately it is the politics that guide the nation's destiny.
Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.
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