Straight Line
The baneful violence of our politics
If there is any serious attempt by caring Bangladeshis to understand the reasons for the malfunctioning of our polity by placing them in the historical, sociological and political context, it may turn out to be an agonising experience. The suspicion could be that our concern for democracy amounted to merely false consciousness or, worse, was it a crude legitimisation of the so-called politically driven conflict? Should we look for the roots of the problem in the phenomena of social exclusion, economic marginalisation, contests for power, and other contingent factors?
A question that should bother right-thinking citizens is, where does the state fit into a scenario as apprehended above? Have widespread abnormalities surfaced during the ongoing stock-taking process because we did not quite realise that the state could not satisfactorily deliver the required services, including security, to its citizens? If this is perceived to be a failure, then what are the circumstances in which such a failure has occurred? One could also wonder if the state, through the government machinery, was a participant rather than a neutral umpire in situations of conflict.
Although politics, without doubt, is an edifying activity, not many in Bangladesh will talk reverentially about politicians. Some would even go to the extent of depicting our politicians as active participants in the creation of disorder. Their malevolence has been criticised as being planned and diabolically purposeful.
In Bangladesh, unfortunately, we have witnessed violence that has been purposive. In our polity, we have seen political motivation ranging from local turf wars to an uglier and more vulgar race for quick riches; from teaching a rival group a "lesson" to polarising communities into voting blocs.
Politics was in a situation in which hired thugs who perpetrated violence were assured of protection from prosecution. Very few felt ashamed as politics, in our parlance, has acquired a pejorative connotation by the fact of its manifest association with conflict and violence. The civil society has been undermined by the stimulation of politics based on division and acrimony.
Cynical observers of our social scene are of the distressing view that there was a functional utility of violence for politicians. Such opinions pointed an accusing finger towards the suspected state complicity in the perpetration of organised acts of violence and the inordinate delay in securing justice for the victims. This delay was alarming, as it sent a clear message to potential delinquents that no harm would come to them in the event of repeat performances of criminal activities.
In Bangladesh, we need to seriously acknowledge the significance of authoritative approval or condoning of violence because such action is construed as social approval. The so-called political circumstances have often obstructed accountability of the culpable individuals. There is good reason to doubt that a considerable number of officials abnegated their responsibility to protect all citizens regardless of their identity.
Political activities, partly on account of historical factors, had assumed a dominant agitational character. Over the years, since after liberation and more particularly during the anti-autocracy movement in the eighties, leading to the fall of the dictatorial regime in December 1990, political protests demanded crude physical courage from the field level activists of the political movement. As the dictatorial regime primarily depended on brute power and looked towards non-political quarters for its sustenance, it did not bother about the excessive use of force by the state apparatus. It had no qualms in utilising dangerous goons to intimidate and, if necessary, liquidate political party workers and leaders. A section of the law enforcement personnel sadly turned out to be a willing partner in such patently illegal acts.
All in all, the political scenario became so desperate and menacing that only the very brave and intensely committed workers could dare to take to the streets to face the insensitive actions of a despotic government.
One may recall the tragic death of Dr Milon in late November 1990 in Dhaka. This death was the result of the then government's letting loose of veteran criminals, at times from prison, by means of shady deals executed through so-called political operatives. Although this modus operandi did not succeed in quelling the political movement, it left a deep scar and doubt on the bona fides and propriety of accepted political protests of a constitutional democracy. The sad and bitter memory left behind was one of a government or authority that did not care a bit about legality and civility, and the anaesthetising conviction that organised violent counter-action, with readiness to sacrifice life and property, was the only alternative to effect political change.
It does not take a discerning observer of the socio-political scene to be convinced that, under the circumstances as narrated hereinbefore, it is quite difficult for the saner and more sensible elements of the young population to join movements for social change. Since nature abhors a vacuum, it is only natural that vacancies resulting from the unwillingness of the desired lot are automatically filled in by the ill-motivated desperados. The situation turns vicious, and the training ground for constitutional politics witnesses detestable wheeling-dealing. Brawn takes precedence over brain in the formative years. No wonder, therefore, that our national level politics got afflicted by this syndrome.
Coming to specifics, one may dare say without fear of contradiction that gone are the days when a potential student leader was mostly one of the top-notchers intellectually, and was credited with high moral standards. He was honourably different, and could draw respect and admiration. We now see many student leaders who are more known for their knowledge and application of the use and misuse of firearms, and are adept at negotiating the intricacies of the tendering process and maintaining liaison with shady non-students. There was virtually no effort to discourage such immoral practices and, in course of time, these tainted youngsters turned into promoter-distributors of illegal favours.
It is a sad commentary on our political reality that, howsoever eloquent we may be on the subject of freedom of speech, assembly and movement, we can be the worst of autocrats when, under a clear democratic dispensation, the government of the day would not allow assembly and protest gatherings of opposition political parties to venture beyond the immediate confines of the party offices. The untenable aspect is that the government would not issue prohibitory orders restricting or banning assembly of persons, but would transmit verbal orders to embarrassed law enforcement personnel to virtually quarantine the opposition elements in a limited space.
In an exasperating situation as above, there is a desperate and frantic bid to defy the authority, and such defiance requires a lot of raw physical courage in addition to willingness to face and endure hardship. Clearly, such functions can be effectively performed by those who have a greater gift of the brawn. These may sound funny, but are field realities with which the political operatives of the opposition have grappled. Breaking the ban, or being able to defy the quarantine, was considered a very important achievement. The goons are no small players in this game. One has to be in the thick of the happenings to feel the pulse of the men, matter, and movements.
It may be worthwhile to recall the unfortunate killing of former finance minister, Mr. SAMS Kibria, which, without doubt, had ominous portents for budding politicians of the desired breed in the Bangladesh polity. Mr. Kibria had impeccable credentials in a scenario where politicians do not figure high on the popularity ratings. He was a soothing presence in a culture of high emotion and over-statement. His cruel annihilation from the political arena sent a disturbing signal to decent folks who are desirous of taking to the public life. The premonition is: Are we not creating a situation where half-educated brats with no commitment and compassion will occupy the center stage of politics for a painfully long time? Cynical comments like "politics is the last refuge of a scoundrel" will gain credence in our parlance if we fail to arrest the rising tide of violence and properly investigate the crime.
Late Mr. Kibria's election to parliament was a surprise to those who thought electoral popularity was an exclusive preserve of ill-gotten money and muscle. The well-meaning persons who felt inspired to shake off their ambivalence and join public life received a rude jolt in his violent death. Under the circumstances, the quality of public life and its leaders will have a special meaning for those who are keen to see the flowering of democratic institutions and traditions in our volatile environment.
The politicians have to realise that violent incidents and assassinations of political personalities in particular have had an adverse impact on all segments of the state, and the outside world has taken a note of that. We cannot afford to have any further delay in the proper investigation of the relevant cases because the nation must come out of the saturated pool of pathetic inaction into a pragmatic realisation that political disputes must be settled in a civilised manner and that violence cannot be a way of life in a democratic polity. The time has come for a qualitative change in politics.
Muhammad Nurul Huda is a columnist of The Daily Star.
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