We should commemorate the constitution day
Yet another November 4, the date to commemorate the adoption of our constitution just went by unnoticed, uncelebrated. However much it cuts across the political divide as a statement of enduring values of the constitution, we patently failed to dedicate this date as Constitution Day for the last thirty-six years of our nationhood. It is a pity to find this date disappear from the consciousness and conspicuously missing in the array of our designated national dates. Our inadequacy to comprehend the significance of this date in our civil life refrained us from according it a national status like most other nations. (In US Constitution Day is an official holiday). Beyond our commitment to republicanism, the exigency of the Constitution Day is vividly underlined when viewed against our national track record defiled by military take-overs and one-party rule, ironically imposed by an elected government, a classic example in the realm of our constitutional history.
Should the present caretaker government headed by Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed dedicate November 4 as Constitution Day on behalf of the nation, that certainly would be a robust articulation of our commitment to constitutionalism. This date so dedicated is destined to serve as the most potent reminder to the ruling party of the operable parameters of power as everyday basis of governance and the government is run with due regard to such limitations as imposed by the constitution. Admittedly our civil society has not evolved yet to automatically discourage any move to overthrow a constitutional government elected under a democratic order. Because of this inherent weakness our civil society had to weather a spell of extra-constitutional ambitions, albeit intermittently, in the space of the last thirty-six years of independence. More than a cathartic relief, constitutional rule, however, proved its resilience by its triumphant return and flourished on the basis of people's consent.
In a landscape like ours where constitution awareness is wafer-thin with a vast number of illiterates and immature political democracy, the Constitution Day in its exclusivity, should be an eminent occasion to inform the citizens of the supremacy of the constitution in regard to their governance along with their rights and obligations to the state. We, however, should not be amiss to appreciate that the Day is also endowed to contribute to broadening the political horizon of the citizenry in general. The message of the Day shall have to be highlighted not only on the date of its observance, instead it should be a continuous campaign till such time the citizens became familiar with them. Obviously in this task, the prime responsibility shall rest with both the print and electronic media. On a broader perspective, the Day's consciousness constructed on a strong basis of constitutional values should inspire the civil society not to bow to those who reject freedom and democracy.
In explaining the national flag, our constitution says: 'The national flag of the Republic shall consist of a circle, coloured red throughout its area, resting on a green background.' (Vide Part 1 Page 4 at 4.(2) of the Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh). What is critically missing in the above is the interpretation of the circle -- which is the main focus of the national flag -- in regard to nation's aspiration. As is obvious, to make the interpretation of the national flag complete, an authoritative version inclusive of the circle needs to be incorporated in the constitution without delay.
Hartal (shutdown) a veritable nightmare since independence plagues the nation to this day. The opposition parties find it a convenient and handy tool to dislodge the ruling party from power which they in their myopic political wisdom believed could not be attained through accepted political norms. The paradoxical upshot of this syndrome is that the mainstream political party when in opposition legitimise it as a 'democratic right,' but when in power they unfailingly seize the high moral ground and go on a denial binge. What is worse, the opposition party in its impatience to wait for another five years for general election try to destabilise the government in every possible manner which more than often lands the hapless nation in utter chaos and disorder. The one-eleven mayhem is still vivid in our memory. In the power game between the two mainstream political parties it is a trickyoften a violent, interface -- ironically all the name of people's right. In the event the present caretaker government declares hartal illegal that certainly would remove a major gridlock on our way to progress, and uphold common man's right to earn livelihood without hindrance.
Recently with the induction of the caretaker government, the nation breaks a new ground in our worn-out political culture that was long focused on personality syndrome rather than nation-building issues. In the post-liberation period, each generation of decline-managers had been flying on deficient radar, applied more to cosmetic targets, and producing images weak in substance. In our rugged political culture passages of cynicism and doubt have haunted the national psyche at intervals since our independence. Lack of sustained determination to confront the reality in the round and adjust was much too evident. And the obvious fall-out has been our failure to engineer a benign cycle of economic growth and social easement. Surely, the debates that centre our constitution and other issues of national importance will continue. But they ought to be pregnant with a consciousness that we all are engaged in a great national task.
Syed Badrul Haque is a former Public Relations Officer to the President, People's Republic of Bangladesh.
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