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Strengthening local government improves governance
The Constitution gives special emphasis on local government and the need to entrust its bodies with necessary support so that they can perform efficiently in their expected functions. Article 59 in particular highlights the role of such bodies in the preparation and implementation of plans relating to public services and economic development. Article 60 also stresses on the need for local government bodies to have the power to impose taxes for local purposes, to prepare their budgets and to maintain funds.
The inclusion of such stipulations within the Constitution underlines the significant role that is anticipated from local government as an institution.
The current caretaker government, which includes several former bureaucrats, has been aware of the need to address the issue of strengthening local governance and thereby local government. Past political governments had shown some interest in reforms in this area, but unfortunately, this process appears to have never really been completed. It has been suggested that, conflicting political interests, corruption and the abuse of power thwarted necessary action. One can only mention that there was awareness with regard to review but very little transpired over the past decade. This, in turn, affected the governing paradigm and greatly reduced its effectiveness.
Consequently, the constituting of the Committee on Accelerating and Strengthening Local Government in June 2007 generated interest and hope. A Report was subsequently prepared which included suggestions on how best to build a strong, transparent and accountable local government so that it can provide the desired services to the people at grassroots level. A conference was also held in Dhaka last month to disseminate the recommendations among thousands of stakeholders including Ward Commissioners and Members of Union Parishads, Municipalities and City Corporations. This was done to share findings and agree on the best way forward. It was hoped that dialogue would provide the opportunity for identifying effective steps that might lead to effectual decentralisation. This step was seen as a means to bring the local government process out of the shadow of political patronage of the bigger political parties.
The Committee has suggested many recommendations. Some of them are interesting because they refer to areas of stratification and manpower structures. There are also references to the elective process of local government, formation of the local government council, proposed expenditure limits for election, transparency, accountability, participatory powers, responsibilities, mutual relationship between local government bodies and the central government, methods of increasing income and the sources, accounting system, audit management and skill development within the local bodies.
Other recommendations include provisions related to formulation of new laws for urban area local government bodies, creation of new municipality and city corporation structures and putting in place need-based manpower structures at every level. Necessary modifications have also been proposed with regard to potential of direct election and the expansion of the number of Wards in each Union. In the case of District Councils, it has been proposed that the electorates will be consistent with Clause 17 of the District Council Act 2006. However, most unfortunately, a provision has been retained that the Chairman of the District Council will be elected indirectly as opposed to the Members who will be directly elected. This is being interpreted by many as continued interference in the process of elected governance by the Executive. This also betrays a lack of trust in people.
In similar vein, it is difficult to understand why the provision related to reserved seats for women (proposed for increase from existing 30 to 40 per cent for the next three elections) could not be fixed at parity. Such a step would have greatly assisted in gender empowerment, particularly in the non-urban areas.
The Committee has also laid down acceptable figures with regard to expenditure that can be incurred by candidates for election to posts at various levels in different local government bodies. It would however be naïve, to say the least, to expect that the candidate for the post of Mayor of the Dhaka City Corporation will restrict his expenditure to Taka 5 lakh. It could be argued that such a financial restriction would be consistent with what is expected from a candidate to the post of a Member of the Jatiyo Sangshad. Such an assumption would however be seriously flawed given the existing situation. I wonder how those charged with the responsibility of carrying out such local body elections will monitor such expenditure. It would be worthwhile for the concerned authorities, especially the Election Commission to outline for the general public the method by which they are expecting to monitor such electoral exercises.
It is true that the efforts undertaken by the committee have been encouraging, but the recommendations put forward to the government should be discussed with the representatives of the important political parties (who were represented in the last two parliaments). Just submitting them to the Election Commission for their views should not be considered as enough. The Ministry for Local Government needs to paste the recommendations in a web page and then ask the relevant political parties to give their views in writing to them or to a designated web page within a fixed date. Such a process would ensure transparency and also permit active engagement. This will subsequently avoid controversy and assist in implementation.
Unlike many other countries in Europe or the USA or India, participatory governance through a strong local government has not been evident in the truest sense of the term in Bangladesh till now. I believe that one basic reason for this has been the persistent interference in the functioning of local government bodies by members of parliament (in matters pertaining to awarding of development projects, appointments and transfers of officials at the upazila and district levels and relief distribution). This has debilitated these institutions. In addition, there is also evidence that local government leaders are sometimes subservient to the members of parliament, for securing their support towards the obtaining of funds from the central government. This creates opportunities for corruption and also compromises the optimum equation between the local government bodies and the central government. One can only hope that reforms within the process as dictated and desired by this committee will be able to address this issue effectively, particularly for the three hill districts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. A correct balance will promote economic development, decentralisation and also foster greater pro-active engagement from the local community in that sub-region and also elsewhere in Bangladesh.
The need for functional, empowered, independent, accountable and democratically elected local government bodies are paramount. It is important that this process is initiated as soon as the voters' list is satisfactorily completed throughout the country. There has been some controversy as to whether the required elections to the local bodies should be held before, after or simultaneously along with the parliamentary elections. Some commentators have suggested that local government elections be held before the national elections to avoid political interference and increasing the possibility of participation by honest and clean candidates. Anxiety has also been expressed that action with regard to polls to the local bodies might end up in delaying the national polls. I find such disquiet as unnecessary. There is no reason why elections to the local bodies cannot be undertaken at the same time as the elections to the Jatiyo Sangsad. The Election Commission could implement such as scenario with the assistance of the relevant agencies of the government. Many countries in the world follow such a prescription. We could do the same.
This factor of timing for election to the local government bodies could be one of the items in the agenda for the proposed dialogue between representatives of the political parties and the government. One compromise might be that election to certain levels or tiers of local government institutions (particularly in the urban areas or at the district and upazila levels) could be held simultaneously with the national elections. The other levels could be held subsequently after the national elections. It is a question of political will and that could be reaffirmed through the pledges made by different political parties in their manifestos.
In any case, there is consensus with regard to the strengthening of the local government process and also acceptance of the fact that this will contribute towards good governance. The sooner this is in place, the better it will be for economic development and our developmental agenda. The Election Commission and the government need to work together on this matter without further delay. The first step should be to agree on the new rules of engagement pertaining to the electoral process and then to implement them.
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