Between The Lines
Liberals at war in India
The political scene in India is heating up. The general election is still one and a half years away. Yet every party, small or big, is preparing itself for the eventuality because the Manmohan Singh government is tottering in the crossfire between the Congress and the Left.
Congress president Sonia Gandhi has fired the first salvo by blaming the Left publicly, without naming them, for stalling India's development while opposing the Indo-US nuclear deal. The Left has reacted harshly, even though she has explained to its leaders personally that they were not her target.
Even the last minute formula did not work. The government said it would hold talks with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) on the requirement under the deal, without finalising it until after the discussion with the Left. Obviously, it was loss of faith in the government.
The Left has, however, made it clear that if the Congress wanted a mid-term poll, it was ready for it. So far they were not saying so lest they should be blamed for early elections. The voters are generally wary of a party, which pushes them to a mid-term poll, because of the unnecessary expenses involved.
It is apparent that the Left was led up the garden path and given to understand that the Congress wanted to work out a formula, which would accommodate the Left's concerns. The Congress, it turns out, was all the time in touch with Washington to assure it that New Delhi would talk to the IAEA before the deadline.
The Congress may be honest in believing that the Indo-US treaty was the best thing that had happened to the country. But, in all fairness, it should have been categorical from day one, and not created a smokescreen to mislead the Left and other liberals. All of them honestly believed that the Manmohan Singh government was discussing with America about how to mollify their fears, and would tell them.
It is a pity that the two parties with liberal credentials have come out in the open to attack each other. This reminds me of what Jawaharlal Nehru aid in August 1945. In a letter to Palme Dutt, a British communist leader, he wrote: "You must realise that it pains me to see the gulf that has arisen between the Congress and the communists in India." The fallout of the quarrel between the two may benefit the BJP, which was practically out of the reckoning till recently.
The party was still divided between the supporters of Atal Behari Vajpayee and those of L.K. Advani. But the split among the liberals has made the party close its ranks. The BJP mentor, the RSS, has literally forced the unity.
Political developments in Karnataka have also helped the BJP to regain its focus. This may push its internal squabbles to the background. Forty months ago the BJP entered into an understanding with the Janata Dal (Secular), headed by former Prime Minister Deve Gowda, that it would share power -- the JD (S) to be at the helm for the first 20 months.
But at the end of that period, the JD (S) went back on its word. A bit of sympathy is visible for the BJP, even though Deve Gowda has accused the party of turning Karnataka into "a laboratory for its Hindutva experiment." Not many would buy the argument, because Gowda's son was the state chief minister.
Nonetheless, Hindutva is the BJP's plank in Gujarat when the state goes to the polls by the end of this year to elect its new assembly. The Gujaratis, still soaked in chauvinism, are not seeing through Chief Minister Narendra Modi's anti-Muslim bias. The eight per cent Muslim voters have been excluded from election debate in the state.
Although senior members in the BJP are up in arms against Modi's authoritarian style, the party high command has nominated him as the next chief minister. His blatant communalism may come in handy to it in the future. This also means that the BJP will once again play the anti-Muslim card in the Lok Sabha polls.
In a way, India presents a strange spectacle. Modi's communal stand is matched by an example of pluralism in West Bengal. A Muslim boy got married to a Hindu girl of a rich scion recently. A few days later, the boy's body was found on the railway tracks. It was given out that he had committed suicide. The authorities, some of them probably bribed, also said so. That it should happen in a Left-run state is a shame. Two police officials and some policemen have been suspended, but the cover-up is very thick.
Yet, the Hindu neighbours of the boy's parents and the media have brought the whole thing in the open, forcing the government to order a judicial inquiry. What impressed one the most were the joint meetings by Hindus and Muslims to seek justice. It was people versus the authorities, knowing no religion. One hopes that people will win.
One also witnessed the same courage in the media when it put the BJP to shame -- the party offered apologies -- after the planned killing of Muslims in Gujarat. Modi's role has not been forgotten because he struck at the foundation of India's democratic and pluralistic society. Non-Muslims have contributed to the rehabilitation of riot victims, which is far from settled.
It is a tragedy that the BJP will once again be poisoning the atmosphere when it begins the campaign for general elections. Many people may be taken in by the party's propaganda. The society, by and large, is secular and does not respond to the BJP's appeal for polarisation. Still, the very fact that a party, which does not subscribe to secularism, thrives is a matter of concern.
Yet, the serious concern is the caste factor, the ugliest social system, which plays a big role in elections. Castes have gone beyond the classification of "dalits" and "backward classes." Now Brahmins and Rajputs also have their brigades with weapons. This has stratified the society, trivialised politics and enhanced the chance of violence.
No doubt, caste is co-terminus with class, but this has eliminated the feudal order in the process. This has strengthened democracy despite the fragmentation of society. The unfortunate part is that the Mayawatis, the Lalu Prasad Yadavs and the Paswans have come to corner votes in the name of caste. They have all the ill-gotten wealth and no scruples.
The Congress should have fought against them to foster values. But the party, with its shrinking base, needs them to come to power. It would rather compromise on principles than confront them. This may be bad for the nation. But this is a fact.
Kuldip Nayar is an eminent Indian columnist.
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