In quest of a credible political leadership
THE emergence of Bangladesh was both preceded and followed by a series of extraordinary circumstances -- protracted civil unrest, the worst cyclone in history, the first-ever general elections, non-cooperation, a genocide, war, victory, famine and finally the violent overthrow of the first elected government culminating in the assassination of the nation's founding father -- all of which dearly cost this already impoverished country in more than one way, perhaps, one of the most serious casualties of some of these traumatic events had been the near-total decimation of the country's credible political leadership.
Prior to independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the last of the vanishing breed of national liberation leaders, successfully led his people to their cherished goal of freedom -- but both his towering personality and the prevailing political flux did not allow the rise of an alternative leadership. It was manifest from the events that followed. In the wake of AL's phenomenal popularity after 1969 mass upsurge when it occupied the country's entve political space, the most of the party's new entrants simply rode the bandwagons without much conviction. So when during 1971 they were put through the litmus test of their loyalty to the party's cause and its ideology, they miserably failed.
The remaining lot including the party veterans gave a poor account of themselves in the after math of 1975 putsch. The leadership crisis deepened when four front-ranking AL leaders were killed in detention in November 1975, although few believed that anyone of them could really put on the mantle of their mentor. Nevertheless, 1975 was the end of an era -- a watershed for the evolution of political leadership in this country.
Now came a different brand of political leaders who strutted on the centre stage of our politics for the next two decades. After the political process of the country was brought under the official control by the succeeding regimes, an entirely different political culture evolved in the country. Politics was told by a ruler, would henceforth be made difficult. But for a new brand of politicians, it was rather simplified while the political veterans found it outright impossible to survive in the emerging political ethos.
It wasn't surprising that the culture rapidly flourished over the years. The political space was almost instantaneously crowded by the people that included obscure activists from the far left and extreme right as well as firebrand revolutionaries to octogenarian obscurants and shrewd opportunists. Notwithstanding the diversenes of their backgrounds they had one striking similarity with all of their eyes fixed on ever-shrinking national cake and greedy fingers stuck in its creamy lager. The nation's liability soared as the number of the greedy lot swelled -- particularly during Ershad's regime.
Our people pinned great hope in the return of AL to power once again that the party with its credentials of principled politics in the past would bring back order in highly distorted political practices. It is distressing to see that in addition to being oddly archaic in outlook the ruling style of a new breed of 'Awamis' is hardly dissimilar from that of the BNP or JP thus obliterating AL's ideological distance, if any, from its opponents. So far the AL has not done anything to outshine or out-perform any of its predecessors. It's more of the same, enjoying no edge over others. The AL also, in practice, failed to project an articulate enlightened political leadership as expected. Where do we go from here?
The last thirty-eight years witnessed many changes both at global level as well as in the domestic scene. For years we blamed -- and rightly -- the authoritarianism to be at the root of all evil. We have done away with it by installing democratically elected governments. We also thought of the parliamentary system of government to be more conducive to participatory democracy. We now have that too. We held centrally controlled economy responsible for our economic stagnation. We have now opened up to the market forces. Amid all these changes what has not changed is, however, the fate of our people. The changes in system are important, but much more important are the people who make the changed system work. Where do we get those people from?
An intellectual decay, notwithstanding, this country it is told has been endowed with outstanding economists, Jurists of international fame, the scholars who teach abroad and innovative bankers. Bangladeshi builders produced architectural marvels outside the country. There are brave entrepreneurs when the working ambience is free of sleaze. The professionals used to have some presence in our public life. They have gradually been pushed out of the political arena with its growing criminalisation after the independence.
An emerging generation wedded to technology, vibrant with ideas and exposed to the revealing world of Cyberspace earnestly look for a role in the nation building. The counting can also court blessings of innocent millions, content only with two square meals, but ready to give everything when it-comes to the question of the country. A measure of conviction still prevails among the cross section of the political activists. But they hardly find a space in the country's politics dominated by the perditions theme of 'All in the family'.
Given the will and determination, a potential leader can build on these assets. After all, why can't the honesty be combined with quality, populism with knowledge enthusiasm with initiative and conviction with capability? The political leadership has a great deal to do with the context of time and it must be responsive to its challenges.
The demagogy, gimmickry or slogan mongering are now motor way to nowhere. On the contrary it is the managerial skill, dynamism and X-ray vision with the ability to seeing through the fog of lime would enable a leader to guide his nation through the turbulence of globalised politics.
For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel.
Comments