Hail to the new ACC chief
THE nation has a new ACC chairman in office. Congratulations. But nothing -- short of a news headline stating "ACC declines to withdraw of political corruption cases without formal judicial proceedings" -- will reassure the nation that there's more than one corruption crusader in an otherwise corruption-infested political system.
When Ghulam Rahman (GR) was appointed as the new ACC chairman, many in the media wondered about his past accomplishments. I waited till this moment to introduce him from a personal perspective.
GR and I have been friends ever since our Comilla Victoria College days -- detached only by physical distance after graduation from Dhaka University. We even coauthored several articles in The Daily Star.
Writing a weekly column since 2005 about multifarious aspects of Bangladesh while being away from the theatre of events has always been challenging. Meeting that challenge, even if at the edge, was made possible with inputs from a few enlightened friends -- and GR comes well ahead in this exclusive think tank.
During his last month's official visit to the USA, we had several phone conversations. GR's reaction to his appointment in this much controversial ACC job was one of finely tuned optimism. He told me: "I'll go by the book in letter and spirit."
Given his genial demeanour, GR is much less likely to be contentious in ACC's modus operandi. However, getting battered in disrepute is inevitable if the ACC under his tutelage is turned into an agency for stamping corruption charges against politicians as politically motivated cases.
In his May 28 maiden interview with the Daily Star, GR asserted: "My work will not deviate from what is said in the ACC Act. […] None will be spared in the drive against corruption […] No one pressurises me." One wonders if these pugnacious statements have triggered calls by some politicians to chastise and hamstring the ACC with budget cuts.
GR should know that "pressure" is built into the job of the chief anti-graft watchdog. His tacit acquiescence that our friendship is unbreakable while my newspaper column is uncompromising augurs well for everything we both cherish so dearly. Pressure will fire on all cylinders squarely from all corners. The only pressure the ACC boss must yield to is what is dictated by the law of the land.
While writing this piece, several questions cropped up. Will my friend steer the anticorruption drive as passionately and fearlessly as my other friend, Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury (HMC), while risking the monstrosity of the mischief indulgent powerhouse. Will he be allowed to exercise his authority as independently as expected of the chief of a constitutionally independent body (CIB)? Doesn't the extent of authority a CIB chief can exercise often depend on the personality of the individual who leads it? Does "going by the book" preclude one from being proactive? Will GR be willing to dust off the passive demeanour of a former bureaucrat to one of a proactive and effectual leader of a CIB?
With the departure of HMC, ACC has been pushed back to where the politicians wanted it to be -- much diminished in stature and power, intimidated and stifled. Many people -- politicians, public servants, and businessmen -- argue that ACC should do its job without being a fearful instittution. They overlook the fact that unless one is fearful of the law enforcers, the propensity to break the law becomes a norm.
The new ACC chief mustn't be oblivious of the country's detestation and helpless outcry about the the AL-government's move to withdraw corruption charges against its own leaders, including the ones already convicted. Where would the credibility of the ACC stand if these convictions and other cases still undergoing court proceedings are withdrawn under the seal of approval of the ACC itself. As tax payers and remitters, we want all corruption cases be decided in the court of law -- not in the party offices of politicians.
If the government could decide on instituting a judicial inquiry commission to investigate alleged corruption shenanigans in five public universities between 2001 2008, then why compromise the political corruption cases by the party's elected officials? Isn't it because of the fear that corruption charges and convictions against them might stick?
If the ACC decides to approve the withdrawal of cases against politicians, then it must release the charges and all other related information in the media under the freedom of information act -- showing both transparency and accountability -- which GR has assured us of in his Daily Star interview.
Playing the role of a "benign law enforcer" while enjoying the all perks will be an unconscionable betrayal to the cause of the people. If pressurised by certain political quarters, GR doesn't have to choose the exit route of HMC; however, the deterrent against any pressure may have already been set by default by the very resignation of HMC. Will the government risk the resignation of another anti-graft chief -- giving it the image of a corruption breeder instead of a corruption exterminator?
If the finance minster can justify whitening of "black money" and the ACC can be asked to whiten "black politicians," then anything is possible here.
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