Nepal at crossroads (part one)
Nepal is one of our very close neighbours and political developments in the Himalayan kingdom will surely have profound implications for South Asia. To any political observer the political turmoil in Nepal is at the same time interesting and worrying. Interesting because a new political order is in the offing and worrying because the process may degenerate into chaos and violence.
The Himalayan kingdom has been going through political upheaval since King Birendra along with his entire family was assassinated on June 1, 2001. The throne then passed backwards to Gyanendra, Birendra's unloved younger brother. Normally in a monarchy the throne passes forward to a younger scion. Gyanendra (60) ascended the throne on June 4, 2001.
Nepal has been struggling to establish a democratic system of government for the past two decades. This expedition for an egalitarian society has been fraught with uncertainty and extreme violence. It had gathered devastating momentum since June 2001, when Birendra was killed. The struggle is essentially triangular in nature among three forces -- the monarchy, the parliamentary parties, and the leftist Maoists. This three-way confrontation has led the opposing forces to a brutal show of strength and extreme violence that resulted in thousands of deaths since 1996. The fourth force -- the people of Nepal -- was all but forgotten.
King Birendra (1972-2001) ruled Nepal under the party-less system established by his father King Mahendra. Birendra's reign was never smooth because of the democratic aspirations of the people of Nepal. The 30-year old "panchayat" system of government came to an end in 1990, when the stifled polity rose to unshackle their daily lives from the omnipotent king's influence.
The people's movement -- Jana Andolan -- compelled King Birendra to change the system of governance. Multi-party politics was allowed through constitutional reforms. Until 1990 there was no political party in Nepal, except the mainstream Nepali Congress Party (an offshoot of the Indian Congress) and the National Democratic Party (which supports the monarchy).
In May 1991 the first parliamentary elections were held and NCP leader Girija Prasad Koirala became the first elected prime minister of Nepal. However, King Birendra retained many important and ill-defined powers. The 1990 constitution provided for a bicameral legislature -- the Lower House with 205 elected members and the Upper House of 60 members. Despite holding absolute powers King Birendra was open to the new parliamentary system of democracy. But continuous squabbling among the political parties -- particularly within the NCP, the largest political party of Nepal -- denied the kingdom a stable government.
It was around this time that the left forces surfaced in Nepal. The complex Left Front together with the NCP spearheaded the Jano Andolon. Suspicious of the mainstream NCP -- the communists formed the "United National People's Movement" (UNPM). In November 1990 the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Centre) was formed with elements from the UNPM. In 1991 at its first convention, the CPN (UC) adopted the strategy of "protracted armed struggle on the route to a new democratic revolution" and decided that the Party shall remain underground. The CPN (UC) then set up its political wing, Samyukta Jana Morcha (SJM) with Baburam Bhatarai at its head.
At the May 1991 parliamentary elections SJM became the third force in the parliament. In 1994 CPN (UC/SJM) split into two because of differences in their strategies -- one calling for armed struggle while the other opting for constitutional methods. The militant group renamed itself as the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) led by the redoubtable Pushpa Kamal Dahal, nicknamed "Prachanda" (nom de guerre -- meaning extremely powerful). It was thus a gradual transformation of the left forces from a traditional political party into a violent underground insurgent group. The CPN (Maoist) derived their inspiration from Peru's Shining Path rebels.
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) alienated from mainstream political parties, went underground. When Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba refused to accept their 40-point demands the Maoists called for Jana Joodha (guerrilla war) on February 13, 1996. The demands among others included -- the liquidation of the 240-year old Shah dynasty, establish a secular republican state, a constituent assembly to draw up a new constitution, and end to discrimination based on caste, gender or nationality.
The Maoists had about 15,000 well-trained "hard-core" fighters with several thousand militias fighting with them. The ill-equipped government police failed to respond to the Maoist onslaught at the beginning. Armed with antiquated weapons -- such as shotguns and Enfield rifles -- the Maoists quickly overran dozens of police stations in the countryside.
By mid-2001 they controlled 22 of Nepal's 75 districts -- imposing taxes and discharging functions of a government. One of the main reasons how this anachronistic movement gained support and became so powerful is the oppressive caste system in Hindu Nepal. Poor lower caste Hindus looked upon the Maoists as their saviour from the clutches of the higher castes. However, the fact remains that while many poor villagers joined the Maoists voluntarily -- many others were coerced into the group. Those who wanted to leave after joining were quickly liquidated. So far nearly 13,000 people have been killed in the decade-long mountain war. The brutal war, however, did not produce a decisive winner. The Maoists though powerful were deeply despised by the mainstream parties and the urbanised polity.
At first the government was reluctant to recognise or negotiate with the Maoists. But as things got worse the government agreed to have peace talks with the insurgents. After several attempts the first round of talks began on August 30, 2001 but it soon broke down on November 23 of that year. King Gyanendra who had just ascended the throne suffered his first jolt. Desperate to keep things under control Gyanendra declared a state of emergency on November 26 and deployed the Nepalese army for the first time to control the insurgency -- but by then it was too late.
For the next three years clumsy handling of the political situation by successive prime ministers and inept leadership of an obstinate king, led Nepal down the slopes of the Himalayas. Fierce clashes between the guerrillas and government forces took a steady toll of lives on both sides.
Deeply concerned at the gross violation of human rights by both sides, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan in April 2004 offered to mediate between the opposing forces and help find a solution. While abduction and indiscriminate killing by the Maoist guerrillas became a routine affair -- the government forces attacked innocent villagers suspecting them to be Maoists. Annan urged both sides to end the fighting and resume the peace process with the participation of all the parties.
Around that time the government rejected the Maoist demand for direct negotiations with the king. The government also rejected the UN offer of mediation. India was instrumental in pressurising the Sher Bahadur Deuba government to reject the UN offer -- on grounds that it would put an outlaw group in the same status with the legitimate government.
By 2004 the government forces lost control of much of the countryside and retreated to the heavily fortified district towns. Although the army was better equipped it could not control the mountainous terrain.
The Maoists demonstrated their presence in Kathmandu for the first time in 2004, when they called for a three-day strike on April 5. Hundreds of demonstrators were left injured in clashes with the police. On August 16, 2004 a bomb blast at the main gate of the largest tourist Hotel Soaltee in Kathmandu brought jitters to the expatriate community and the tourists. A bomb blast at the US Information Service on September 13 drove the US Embassy personnel from Nepal. The Maoists imposed a blockade of Kathmandu on December 23, 2004 -- bringing life in the capital to a standstill. Chaos and violence ruled Kathmandu. A sense of deep mistrust and uncertainty gripped the capital.
Mahmood Hasan is a former Ambassador and Secretary. This is the first part of a three part special backgrounder on the Nepal crisis. Part two to follow tomorrow.
For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel.
Comments