The reform in education must present itself, first, as a rigorous economic reform programme. Otherwise, it will necessarily remain rhetorical, hyperbolic, even hypocritical. A meaningful reform of education for social transformation cannot be implemented without an equitable and democratic economic programme to elevate the subaltern classes, to put an end to their condition of subalternity.

Md Masdar Hossain, retired senior district and sessions judge and a legal practitioner, talks about securing judicial independence and ways to constitutional reform in the current context of Bangladesh in an interview with Priyam Paul of The Daily Star.

To make universities more autonomous, rules and regulations must be revised so that sectarian and partisan politics are not allowed to take over. This applies first to teachers and then to students. Teachers and students need to be aware of the importance of democratic practices, but this does not mean they should be used for political purposes. Universities must focus on the smooth functioning of education and the betterment of the country, rather than serving as a platform for political parties.

The past 15 years have seen the most severe narrowing of civic space, heightened surveillance, intimidation, and reprisals that often led to self-censorship. Rather than accountability for these violations, officials responsible were often rewarded for their misconduct. As we move forward with several reform agendas that can be implemented within a short timeframe, it is essential to have a national conversation on what "governance anchored in human rights" should truly look like.

During the July-August uprising, and in the decade leading up to it, the use of state and security agencies to surveil ordinary citizens became so ubiquitous that people self-censored on public technology platforms and migrated to private, encrypted messaging services. In response to these concerns, various civil society and industry groups are calling for the repeal of the Cyber Security Act, 2023 (CSA) and the dismantling of organisations like the National Telecommunications Monitoring Centre (NTMC) for undermining privacy and other fundamental rights.

With the collapse of the autocratic regime and appointment of a pro-renewable power and energy adviser, the current challenge lies in effectively implementing the goal of using renewable energy to tackle energy crises and achieve zero emissions. We must reflect on past events to understand the reasons behind the adoption of coal, oil, LNG, and nuclear power. This will enable us to clearly formulate short-term and long-term strategies to overcome the current crisis and break the vicious cycle of energy insecurity.

We need a feminism that embodies strong anti-capitalist critiques, one that fights against the neocolonial and neoliberal forces which make already privileged people even more privileged. We need a feminism that fights against the material obstacles experienced by all minoritised and marginalised communities. We need a feminism that is revolutionary, that is not restricted by any politics of funding, that is inseparable from grassroots struggles and resistance. What would such a feminist manifesto look like for Bangladesh?

Following the fall of Sheikh Hasina and the establishment of the interim government, the once powerful voices of women during the revolution are missing in the public sphere. Historically, women’s rights have been deprioritised or postponed in favour of broader societal objectives. In post-revolution Bangladesh, where there have been several worrying incidents involving violence, online harassment and moral policing, we find ourselves in a position where we are having to choose between voicing our concerns, or showing patience.

It is too soon to expect any significant economic changes, particularly as the previous government, led by Sheikh Hasina, left behind a fragile economy marked by high inflation, declining foreign exchange reserves, sluggish private investment, a growing debt burden, poor revenue collection, inefficiencies in development project implementation, and weak governance in the financial sector. Repairing the fractures within the economy will require persistent and arduous efforts over an extended period. However, the right strategies and sustained efforts can improve the economy.

Censorship, subtle and overt, concerned with both the sacred and secular, has been a characteristic of every post-independence, civilian and military, government.

Just as students stepped in to ebb looting, they inserted themselves into the formation of the government. These acts of interruption are important not only because of the principle in each—“thou shalt not steal” and “thou shalt not steal the people's will”—but also because each time these acts disrupted the given scripts and created an opening, however small, for something different to emerge.

Garment workers, earning a meagre Tk 12,500, found themselves united with the students and the public in their shared struggle against deprivation and discrimination. Over the past 15 years, every time they took to the streets to protest injustices, they were brutally silenced through violence, torture, attacks, lawsuits, and even murder. The history of the July uprising must also include the struggles and sacrifices of the working class, who are the driving force of the economy. Their voices must be represented at the national policy level.

Following the collapse of the government, reports began to circulate of attacks on temples, establishments and persons belonging to minority groups (that is, those of non-Bengali and non-Sunni Islam origins). News of these attacks themselves began to be weaponised, by regional and international interests, in a bid to reinforce the illusory narrative set by the Awami League.

Anu Muhammad discusses the people's aspirations for equality, the ambiguity around 'discrimination,' and the challenges faced by the left in Bangladesh. From class and gender inequality to ethnic and religious discrimination, this conversation highlights the crucial issues we must address to build a just society.

Our people opened a new horizon of possibilities and demonstrated what it means to be active citizens. In the days of chaos following the fall—with no police and the army happy to sit back—they took on traffic regulation, protected their neighbourhoods, and organised a massive relief effort for the flood victims. They did all this without command and with no thought of reward other than a functioning state. The jury is still out on what they have received in turn.

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

The use of cartoons in mass uprisings is a long-standing tradition, but the sheer volume of cartoons created in the last 20 days of July 2024 seems to be unprecedented in the country’s history. Many of these cartoons were produced by entirely new cartoonists, some of whom may have been drawing their first political cartoons. Yet, their work displayed a level of sharpness, awareness and expertise that belied their inexperience.

August 5, 2024 is two months behind us. That’s a much longer time than between citizens demanding the authoritarian Hasina step down and her actually fleeing. Yet, for many people, July-August 2024 will always shadow their present. Even by the end of August, pretty much all the beds of the ground floor casualty wards at the capital’s National Institute of Traumatology and Orthopaedic Rehabilitation (NITOR) were occupied by those injured during the student-led movement. The wards at the National Institute of Opthalmology & Hospital (NIOH), too, were filled with those who had received severe injuries to their eye(s) during the movement.

Eye-witnesses would describe that as early as mid-day the police were shooting at protesters breaking curfew and trying to go to Shahbagh. When Hasina fell and Gono Bhaban was taken over, the protesters turned on the police. The police were armed—the protesters were not. Even though the government had fallen, they trooped out and shot everyone in sight.

How a student's movement for reform of the quota system for government jobs turned into a mass upsurge against a fascist government and led to the fall of Sheikh Hasina after 15 years in power