India and Israel: Anatomy of a strategic partnership

Historically, all ethno-centric nations tend to have heightened threat perceptions. India under the BJP is turning a Hindu state while the Jewish nation of Israel prides itself being the flag bearer of the world Jewry.

This is why Ariel Sharon's visit to New Delhi in early September included 40 arms traders and manufacturers in a 150 member strong entourage. The visit aimed at building over the progress made in defence cooperation during the January 8, 2002 meeting between Indian Defence Minister George Fernandes and Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres.

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Sharon's visit also marked the climax of over half-a-century old India-Israeli relations, which began with Jawharlal Nehru's declaration in the Indian parliament in August 1948 that, 'the state of Israel is a reality and India accepts it.'

Nehru's declaration was followed by the Indian recognition of Israel in 1950 and the opening of an Israeli consular office in Delhi after the UN accepted Israel's membership in September that year.

Strategic impetus

The fact that India seeks strategic preeminence in the region is unmistakable. This has led India in quest of cutting edge defence technology. Three Phalcon Airborne Warning And Controlling Systems (AWACS), an unspecified number of Arrow Anti Ballistic Missiles (ABM), 10 Barak Anti Missile Defense Systems and other weapons worth $ 1 billion will soon join the Indian armoury to meet that urge.

Both nations moved a long way to strike such a deal. A high water mark of their relationship occurred in 1956 when Israeli foreign minister made a visit to Delhi, despite Israel then being a Cold War ally of the US and India of the USSR. The two nations also embarked upon nuclear collaborations, and, in 1962, chief of Israel's atomic energy commission visited Delhi.

But the two nations could not make much headway in economic fields until recently. India-Israel trade was worth only 20 crore dollar when formal diplomatic ties were established between the two in 1992. By 2002, bilateral trade reached 100 crore dollar. With the latest shopping list, the trade figure will jump further upward.

Strategically, India and Israel share a common vision vis a vis India's neighbours. The protracted Indo-Pak rivalry drew India closer to Israel while the brewing Indo-China rivalry of the early 1960s added further impetus to that bond, resulting in the signing of a military treaty between the two in 1963, soon after the 1962 Indo-China war.

The nuclear collaboration between the two remained a muted one initially, but it became an international concern in 1974 after India conducted its first fission test. Meanwhile, Israel's nuclear secret too was exposed in 1979 following the US army's contribution of W-4 nuclear warhead to Israeli forces.

Both India and Israel never signed the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and their possession of nuclear arms destabilised the prevailing balance of power in the Mid East and sparked a frantic Pakistani search for the same in South Asia.

Geo-political significance

The impact of enhanced Indo-Israeli military collaboration is profound for China and Pakistan, both of which had fought wars in the past. The arms purchase by India will raise concern in Pakistan about the prevailing balance of military power in South Asia. For Bangladesh, it would act as one more instance of the US working diligently to draw other nations closer to Israel.

This US stand is significant. For, when Israel decided to sell its Phalcon Air Defence System to China in 1998, the US intervened, perhaps under Indian prodding. This time, the sell to India is learnt to have received a positive nod from Washington due to the US' changed perception of India as a strategic partner.

The US also seeks India's good offices to mend fences with many of Israel's neighbours with whom it has political and economic leverages. In the 1960s and 70s, India became ever closer with Egypt in the wake of the Non-Aligned Movement that was led jointly by the trio of Titu, Nehru and Nasser. Besides, trade and remittance fetch India over $16 billion a year from Israel's Muslim neighbours.

Pakistan too is an ally of the US in the global war on terror. But the Pakistani Foreign Minister, Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, reacted to Sharon's India visit by saying, "India and Israel are trying to destabilise strategic balance in the region." Palestinian president Yasser Arafat said, " Sharon's visit to Delhi will fuel India-Pakistan tension." China, characteristically, preferred silence.

Arafat's and Kasuri's remarks notwithstanding, both Pakistan and Bangladesh refrained from forging diplomatic ties with Israel until now. Dhaka and Islamabad are unlikely to move toward that direction unless Israel vacates its occupation of Palestine and the Palestine emerges as an independent state.

Israel, however, is fearful of Pakistan's long range missiles that can hit Tel Aviv with impunity. Israel is aware that the money for the Pakistani nuke came from many Arab countries which are desperate to restore some semblance of strategic balance with Israel using Pakistani nuclear deterrence.

Fear of a first strike

To Washington, India's strategic importance stems from its ability to checkmate China which is rising fast -- economically and militarily and might challenge the US' preeminence in the future. US also sympathises with India's trouble with Islamic militants in Kashmir.

The India-Israel relationship has had a Washington nexus due to the sheer predominance of military collaborations as such relations cemented. " We're always glad when our friends make friend with each other,' commented Richard Boucher, US state Dept. spokesman, during Sharon's India visit.

Did the US leave Pakistan in the lurch by allowing Israel to come militarily closer with India? Many Pakistani think that to be the case. The Pakistani perception rests on a postulation that, any conventional arms race that might irretrievably tilt the prevailing military balance between India and Pakistan will increase the risk of a nuclear first strike by the weaker party in any future hostility.

Such a scenario will endanger the safety and security of nearly two billion people of the region, including those in Bangladesh. India, on the other hand, is trying to capitalise on the Israeli desperation to sell weapons to 'friendly regimes' due to the economic mess in which it finds itself, and, the US not being able to cope with Israel's financial needs amid a myriad of other global commitments.

Gun or butter?

The state of Israel has had a 'gun or butter' dilemma ever since its inception in 1948. Lately, it has been trying to fend off an ongoing recession (worst in 25 years) by selling high-tech weapons systems to other countries. The recession is exacerbated by a run-away inflation averaging 12-15 per cent.

As the Israeli economy stagnates, a number of foreign aid bills are lying pending in the US Congress which the appropriation committee cannot approve due to the unusual level of extra demands for cash by Israel.

For the year 2003 alone, Israel asked from the US $4 billion in new military aid to defray the cost of fighting the Palestinians and another $10 billion in loan guarantees. This was in addition to $2.7 billion in military and economic aid, which Israel receives routinely. Then came another request for an extra $200 million to fight terrorism.

The latter amounts were included in the US foreign aid bills. Not included in the above is another defence spending bill that sought an appropriation from the Congress of $227.5 million in funding for joint US-Israel military programmes.

The programmes include the Arrow Anti-Missile Defence, Mobile Tactical High Energy Laser, Lightning 11 Targeting Pod and Bradley Reactive Armoured Tiles. India is simply sharing the fruits of this US-Israeli military collaboration by buying off those high-tech gadgets.

Human rights

Concerns for the changed balance of power aside, opposition to this arms race also springs from Israel's and India's atrocious human rights records. Even the US State Department claimed in its 2002 report that 'Israel's overall human rights record in the occupied territories remained poor, and worsened in several areas as it continued to commit serious human rights abuses."

The report cited Israeli killing of 990 Palestinians in 2002, including innocent bystanders. It said Israel engaged in 'targeted killings in crowded areas when civilian casualties were likely.' Put it simply: the US taxpayers are subsidising the cost of Israel's aggression against innocent Palestinians while India faces similar stigma of human rights' violations in Kashmir.

Impact of Kargil, Kashmir and 9/11

The Kargil battle of 1998 had disillusioned India to the necessity of acquiring high-tech military gadgets to spot intrusion of saboteurs along the high- altitude- mountains that straddle India-Pakistan borders in Kashmir. With that aim, L.K. Advani visited Tel Aviv in 1999 and obtained laser-guided missile system.

This was followed by a visit to New Delhi by Shimon Peres, former Israeli foreign minister, in 2002. The Peres' visit having occurred in the aftermath of 9/11, he declared in New Delhi on January 8, 2002 that the "World is no longer divided between East and West."

He added, "The new division is between countries that harboour terrorists and countries which fight them." Peres' comments sounded music to India as it came just after India troops endured massive casualties in the Kargil battle.

Consequently, India decided to install the Phalcon system in the Russian made IL 76 fighter jets, to make it as efficient as the US made AWACS. IN local currency, the entire system will cost 129 crore dollars while the Arrow Missile System will cost another 250 crore dollars.

Add to this the cost of 10 Barak Anti-Missile Defence System, which is slated to go with the existing 7 that India now possesses. Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) will cost another 650 crore rupees.

That aside, two weeks ago, India budgeted another 10 crore 50 lakh dollar to upgrade war vessels with high-tech electronic surveillance capability. This huge sprucing-up follows the inclusion into the Indian naval fleet of three new patrol boats in recent months.

All of the above excludes the budget for anti-terror war which comes from a separate head. India and Israel agreed to sign a separate agreement of defence purchase worth 3 crore dollar to combat terrorism only. The list will include 400 Trevor Special Assault Rifles, 300 Sleeper Rifles and night vision equipment.

India will also train 3000 of its soldiers in Israel to master the art of unconventional warfare and the use of the new gadgets against insurgents in the Kashmir Vale.

While the 'gun or butter' dilemma is equally applicable for the poverty stricken South Asian nations too, Low Intensity Conflicts (LIC) will keep both India and Israel ever in the look out for arms and equipment to defeat the unconventional warriors in Kashmir and Palestine.

And, until these two protracted conflicts are resolved to the satisfaction of the aggrieved parties, India and Israel will remain poised not to change their policies in the near future.

Unfortunately, this alarming arms race in South Asia too is attributable to the failure of the global leadership to defuse tension and establish rule of law in running global affairs.

Author and columnist M. Shahidul Islam is a Senior Assistant Editor of The Daily Star.