The month of March and the Liberation War

In 1971, innocent people, children and women were the victims of Pakistani soldiers' atrocities. Thrown to the wolves, people tried to defend their lives, virtues and dreams. People of our generation were lucky to have witnessed the historic speech of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7 March, but even today some are puzzled why "Mujib" (as he was popularly known) did not declare independence on that day? I shall came to that question later.

In my opinion, the liberation war of Bangladesh is essentially a saga of nationalist revolutionary guerrilla operation launched against the established Pakistan government. Even after losing the confidence of the majority citizens, the Pakistan military government stuck to power in utter disregard of constitutional norms and practices. They were not ready to modify their policies to honour popular aspirations, particularly of the people of the eastern wing of Pakistan. Consequently, such activities begun spontaneously as uprisings, and then they were organised into revolutionary operations. The aim was to replace a hated rule of military junta that entered the political domain of Pakistan in 1958 and reinforced in 1969, with a popular government led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. There is no denying the fact that the political philosopher of such a revolution was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a great leader, who organised it; his philosophy started with Bangalee national heritage.

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Indeed, the right to our own land and enjoyment of a fair social treatment motivated the Bangalees to rebel against the military regime. For having a job, decent wage and social justice workers assembled on the streets in the initial period of liberation movement. For students and professional workers, the goal was freedom. The mood of the people was gradually changing. On 2 March, for instance, a general strike crippled life in Dhaka and other places. It was an example of successful political operations led by Mujib. The defiance of curfews was another instance, which was assuming dangerous proportions. People faced the army that had come out of its barracks to restore law and order, with bare fists. A province-wide general strike, coupled with non-violent non-cooperation movement engulfed the entire East Bengal and forced the army back into barracks; because it failed to stand up against the audacious defiance of the Bangalees.

Hard pressed by daily strikes, which continued up to 6 March, and which had pervaded all spheres of public life including government offices, secretariat, courts, communication services, mills and factories, commercial establishments, the army was forced to observe constraints on rations and other supplies. This was a classic example of successful political operations, which directly advanced the cause of liberation movement, using non-violent peaceful measures.

In this trouble-torn state, Lt General Tikka Khan -- the most unrelenting 'hawk' in the entire Pakistan Army -- flew in to Dhaka to assume the dual role of a Governor as well as the Martial Law Administrator. He carried with him his previous reputation of being the "Butcher" of Baluchistan (for strafing bullets on musullis from the air on an Eid-day). His arrival in Bangladesh served as a red-rag to the bull and further increased the defiance to established authority with each day passing. Dhaka (it was spelt as Dacca in 1971), the focal point of non-cooperation movement, witnessed the weakest effect of the government. Public buildings and government offices flew black flags. The national anthem was almost audaciously removed from the radio and television programmes. Public places were filled with huge crowds where Mujib's instructions, to the people, were regularly announced under the signature of Mujib's closest and trusted aid Tajuddin Ahmed, who became Prime Minister of the Government in exile during the War of Liberation in 1971.

Sheikh Mujib's impending declaration of independence heightened the anxiety level of the military-bureaucracy in Rawalpindi (the Army Headquarters located in West Pakistan). The hawks were tense. A political problem was sought to be solved militarily; because, "political alternatives did not unduly tax Gen. Yahya's mind". He was the President, CMLA, and C-in-C of Pakistan Army (three in one). Yet, he smelt too much of a defeatism and thus for him there was no turning back. He saw the remedy only in applying greater force (Mascarenhas, 1971, P 95) i.e, a military solution for a political problem. Prior to 7 March, Yahya Khan's objective was perhaps to contain a political outburst by a show of force; later it was turned into a bid to crush the 'rebellion' brutally.

The Awami League's mandate until then was not for independence, but for autonomy (Loshak, David, Pakistan Crisis, London, 1971; Loshak, David, 1972, PP 71-72) and unilateral declaration of independence would mar the chances of external aid and those of a recognition against Pakistan's internationally recognised government. Reportedly, wrangling late into the night (of 6 March), they (Awami League members) devised a formula (Loshak, David, 1972, PP 71-72) -- a compromise between unilateral independence and President Yahya Khan's insistence on attending the assembly's session scheduled in Dhaka on 25 March, 1971.

On 7 March, 1971 everybody in the country was tense. In presence of the mammoth crowd of one million assembled in Ramna Race Course, Dhaka, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman spoke in his usual style. The key features of his speech included four demands -- the withdrawal of Martial Law, the immediate withdrawal of all military personnel to their barracks, an inquiry into the recent killings, and an immediate transfer of power to the elected representatives of the people before 25 March (Dawn, 8 March, 1971). In his announcements on the new approach (in the face of province wide civil disobedience movement) on 7 March, 1971, Sheikh Mujib thundered: "Our struggle this time is a struggle for freedom. Our struggle this time is a struggle for independence." Those words still linger in our ears.

In the crowd, myself and my friend Engineer Mashrul Haq (Komol), and Dr. Mozammel Hossain were stunned. The people went hysteric to execute Mujib's 10-point directives, which related to the closure of all offices, stoppage of the payment of rent and taxes, hoisting black flags on all buildings and on the formation of Sangram Parishads (revolutionary councils) in each union, Mohalla, Thana, thus covering the entire administrative structure, down to the village level. This was a solid example of arousing the Bangalee crowds by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The civil disobedience movement, in East Bengal, had begun to manifest the degree of proximity and community -- support to the freedom struggle that ensued in the next nine months. In the words of Lt. Col Ziaur Rahman in early 1972 (Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman), the speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7 March, 1971 was a "green signal" for Muktijoddha (freedom fighters).

Contrary to Yahya's calculations, Sheikh Mujib's declaration served to inflame further Bangalee passion. Technically, the day of confrontation was further postponed as Mujib didn't declare independence on 7 March, 1971. Even then, Bhutto accused Mujib of contriving a "situation that would facilitate the separation of the two wings of Pakistan by constitutional and legal means" (Bhutto ZA, The Great Tragedy, Pakistan People's Party Publication, Karachi). The Awami League, the winner of the general election in 1970, fell pray to Yahya's trap. Mujib's response to Yahya's announcement yielded enough time for a military build-up in East Bengal. In retrospect, some say, had Sheikh Mujib, true to his image, led a million-strong crowd only about six kilometers away to the Headquarters of Eastern Command (in Dhaka Cantonment) to seek Tikka Khan's surrender, a dreadful catastrophe would have been averted and Bangladesh would have become independent on 7 March 1971! Political philosophers, however, have contested this. Historians, someday would hopefully research on this critical issue and provide a logical analysis for the future generation of Bangladesh. For the hundreds and thousands of common man, like me, who fought and won the war of liberation, the pride of being a freedom-fighter always rekindles for memories about 7 March, 1971 and will continue to do so as long as we live in this world.

Columnist Nuruddin Kamal is a Muktijoddha.