Opinion

How united was the voice of the unity conference?

Mozammel H. Khan
Awide shade of organizations and personalities attended the much-publicised conference under the banner ofOikya Prochestaon March 14 atPaltan Maidan. According to the convener of the so-called national platform, Dr. Kamal Hossain, it needed 'one and a half-years of people-to-people contact' to organise the event that attracted, according to The Daily Star some 7,000 people from across the country. By Bangladeshi standard that is a meagre crowd indeed. However, number of attendees does not have direct pertinence to this article. Politicians those attended the conference have dentless past and had never been directly associated with the state power, except, probably one, who was a State Minister under the erstwhile AL government. There was a lone member of the parliament who had a strong commonality with Dr. Kamal Hossain, since both were once the leading members of the main opposition, which in its own good logic did not attend the congregation. Like wise, the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), the main flag bearer of the dwindling leftist force in Bangladesh did not attend the convention either.

If one analyses the speeches made from the convention, the unity of purpose was very clear which was to get rid of the misrule of the current alliance government, but the mechanism to meet that end was rather promiscuous. There was a certain degree of clarity emanated from the speeches of the leftist politicians, which was, of course, nothing new from them since they are making those kinds of deliveries almost on daily basis. However, speeches made by Dr. Kamal Hossain revolved nowhere near the provision propagated by Rashed Khan Menon and Hasanul Haq Inu to unseat the government. The most notable celebrity in the conference was the former President and present BNP 'renegade' Dr. B Chowdhury. Dr. Chowdhury was greeted with thunderous applause in the conference and Dr. Kamal termed his arrival as 'people's victory'. However, if one reads the story of his arduous and secret journey to Paltan Maidan in the ‘Prothom Alo', it sounded more like the escape story of a fugitive trying to fool his impending captor. Dr. Kamal's attribute could have been befitting had Dr. Chowdhury joined the congregation leading thousands of his followers through the open streets of the city. Speeches of a number of civil society members, as quoted in the newspaper, did not clearly identify the real enemy -- the government or the main opposition.

The most scathing attack on the government came from Dr. Chowdhury who demanded immediate resignation of the 'most corrupt and reprehensible government' this country has ever seen. However, neither Dr. Kamal nor Kader Sidiqqui's speeches went nowhere near the toppling of the government. Quite contrary, the following day, the loyal opposition MP demanded a ruling from the Speaker vis-à-vis the threat of the AL general secretary to topple the government. On the other hand, Kader Siddiqui directed his speech to another minor front of the alliance by saying, "we do not want to see our flags in the cars of the Razakars anymore", forgetting the fact that the people elected those razakars, just like the freedom fighter Kader Siddiqui. Mr. Siddiqui, in line with his loyalty, spared the leader who was responsible for getting them elected. Mr. Zafar Sobhan, in his recent DS article has pointed out the fact that those who have voted for the alliance knew very well that those razakars would fly the national flag if the alliance won the election.

What is the next step for Oikya Prochesta? Dr. Kamal issued the ultimatum to try the ruling coalition in 'people's court' if it did not apologise for misdeeds in six months. One could simply wonder how an internationally renowned lawyer would be able to form a people's court if the alliance still holds onto power. Will Dr. Kamal Hossain with his fragmented ally be able to create a mass upsurge against the alliance government? The alliance since elected to power is following a very consistent and resolute policy of using the muscle power of its cadres and the machinery of the state to oppress and eliminate the opposition. Its policy of distortion, deception and the magnitude of unabated corruption have surpassed all precedence created by any of the previous regimes. Any of its current misdeeds can only be compared with the similar wrongdoings of its own past. Its 'intellectual' supporters headed by a former VC, issued a statement on the other day urging the PM to be more tough (as if what is being done by the state machinery and the cadres is not enough) on the 'enemies of democracy', which, probably manifested into the virulent attack on Dr. B Chowdhury, a new born 'enemy of democracy'.

Dr. Kamal is certainly not naïve to believe that all on a sudden the alliance government will pay heed to the ultimatum issued from the leader of a party, which even could not garner fifty thousand supports, in the last general election, from the whole country. For argument's sake, if it is assumed that the alliance government resigns today and the election is held, is there any possibility that any of the politicians of the Oikya Prochesta will be elected to the parliament on his own? The answer is probably a flat no. Does it mean that Dr. Kamal or any member of his current entourage is not a factor yet in Bangladesh politics? In fact, Dr. Kamal's principal asset is his trustworthiness, which may not be enough to give him a seat in the parliament. Late Bertrand Russell failed in his multiple bids to get elected to the House of Commons. However, people may not vote for him, but they believe in what he says. This is a rare quality in Bangladesh politics.

This remarkable credential of Dr. Kamal when mingled with the high moral ground of the leftist forces, notably among them is the CPB, has very little option but to join hand with the populist AL, still the only secular bastion beside the leftists, if they want to save the country from the clutches of the alliance misrule and the impending catastrophe. A political party is not a charitable organisation; it has to be voted to power to implement its principle and policies. If the CPB believes in that postulation, it has to ride the AL's boat to cross the river. Those who are clamouring the CPB's refusal to ride the AL's boat, are neither friend of the CPB nor of the secular principle.

If the CPB, or for that matter, any other secular political force fails to understand this simple equation of Bangladesh politics, it may have to remain on the streets for many years to come. In the mean time, the fate of the nation drags on further into the ditches. Could any secular political force afford to do this in this critical juncture of the nation's history?

Dr. Mozammel H. Khan is a Professor and the Head of Mechanical Engineering and Quality Engineering Departments of Sheridan Institute of Technology, Oakville, Ontario, Canada.