Tokyo's UN dream coming partially true

Economic success at home prompted policy makers in Tokyo to expand gradually the political clout that comes with strong financial footings and the world for the first time came to know about Japan's desire to become a recognised power player in global politics by joining the ranks of permanent members of the UN Security Council. But as the Cold War rivalry still abounded, Tokyo also came to realise the hard fact that economic strength alone may not always provide the key to a door that has been firmly locked. Hence, the end of Cold War rivalry in early 1990s provided new opportunities to Japan to re-launch the earlier bid and as there were calls also for the reform of the United Nations, the situation provided ample of opportunities for Japan to let the world community know of its long cherished desire.

During early 1990s Japan was actively pursuing an UN-centered diplomacy not only by providing the much-needed financial support, but also by pushing its candidates for crucial UN posts. The period coincided with Japan's active involvement in UN peacekeeping mission as for the first time Tokyo started to deploy troops and personnel to number of countries. The involvement in UN peacekeeping mission also helped Japan to counter criticism of Tokyo's passive role in international politics. But as reform initiatives of the UN moved nowhere with the realisation that world's only superpower was not willing to see a United Nations capable of steering its own course, the world soon lost interest about reforms in an organisation that by then was seen by many as a lame duck unable to serve the purposes for which it was created. At the same time, within Japan too the proponents of a stronger UN with expanded Japanese participation came under attack, as there was also fear that an expanded UN role might also mean breaking away from country's peace constitution. The subsequent Japanese governments in 1990s, as a result, were not too enthusiastic about an expanded international role that might come with military involvements outside Japan.

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Such apathy towards UN reform had further drifted people away from the issue as the aftermath of September 11 and subsequent wars in Afghanistan and Iraq had exposed the limitation of UN to its extreme. No one believed any longer that a UN, with or without reform, was capable enough of performing those responsibilities that once allowed the world body to become a genuine arbitrator in resolving disputes as long as rival superpowers were locked in a long and bitter war of words.

Many around the world are now convinced that it was the Iraq war that inflicted a much more damaging and serious injury to the UN than any other conflict during the organisation's lifetime. But the Iraq war has its positive side as well, as it provided the world body with the opportunity to see for itself the damage inflicted upon and to look for a possible way out. The current US administration has used every available vulgar means to undermine the UN in taming its huge appetite for war, and by doing so it has pushed the UN to the wall. As a result, it had also become obvious at that point that the world body would try to utilise whatever means available to free itself from that unholy subjugation. And now as the armed bands of Caligula, known these days in their post-modern name of the Marines, are shoulder deep in muddy water in Iraq and the eccentric king looking desperately for an honourable exit, it has been seen by many as a timely and much expected move of a reform panel of the United Nations to submit its recommendations to the Secretary General with an urge for an all out reform that would allow a much expanded Security Council to tackle effectively the issues standing as barriers to world peace.

The panel has proposed the most sweeping changes in the history of the United Nations, recommending the overhaul of its most important decision making body that has been interpreted by experts as a right step taken to counter the notion of preemptive strike that had taken the world closer to a catastrophe. In its much-publicised recommendation, the panel called for an expansion of the Security Council to 24 members from its present 15 and proposed two options to reach that goal. Both of the two different options are intended to broaden the membership of the Council to reflect the realities of the present day world. But also in both alternatives, the right to cast vetoes would continue to be limited to five original permanent members. The new makeup of the Security Council would require an amendment to the UN Charter.

Japanese officials have already welcomed the panel report and also indicated their likeliness for the alternative that calls for adding six permanent members. The official response is not surprising as the option calling for the inclusion of six new permanent members including Japan coincides with Tokyo's desire to be included in that exclusive club. In New York, Japanese ambassador to the United Nations told a news conference that Tokyo basically supported the first formula of adding six new permanent members.

But everyone in Japan does not share the same mood. In Tokyo, for example, the spokesman for the Japanese Foreign Ministry expressed his reservation as he mentioned that Japan considered it unfavourable to have permanent Security Council members that have veto power and those that do not have. But he also mentioned that Japan would abide by the decision taken by the majority within the United Nations.

But despite such reservations, the prevailing mood in Japan is obviously that of a relief as many also feel that the long road travelled by Japan to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council might at last be taking the country towards a destination set almost two decades ago.