Self-reform to precede organisational reform

The cold reception meted out to the reform proposition has already created a compiling situation for them to go for a strategic shift in their movement. Belated though, the Awami League leadership seems to have realised that a mass upsurge was urgently needed to unseat the government and hold next election on the basis of the proposed reforms.

Notwithstanding the conviction of the government leadership, vis-a-vis its abnegating the opposition demand for being 'unnecessary' the funny situation obtaining now in the Election Commission shall have provided a positive additional impetus to the opposition. In this connection we may recall the apparently unsolicited and yet very much spontaneous pleading of the former CEC Abu Sayeed prior to his relinquishing. He told about his bitter experience with the secretary and with the other Election Commissioners who used to report to CEC. For quite sometime there has been a lot of bragging over the 'constitutional position' of CEC. Obviously it was intended to present the incumbent as a very formidable person accountable only to the President of the Republic. In practice, however, he passed his tenure subservient somehow or other, to the administrative machinery of the government.

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The organisational structure of the Election Commission has provisions for dual control. For instance, the Secretary of the Election Commission Secretariat is reportedly accountable to the Establishment Division of the government. The incumbent, during Mr Abu Sayeed's time was not obliged to take orders from him. Likewise each of the Election Commissioner used to be a sort of independent island freely contesting and even flouting CEC's directives.

Mr M A Sayeed is gone. In his place we have now Justice M A Aziz who too has had a bad start. A lawyer had filed a suit in the High Court challenging his appointment to the position of CEC while still on roll in the highest seat of judiciary. As of now he seems to have good rapport with the secretary but with at least one Election Commissioner, M Mohammad Ali, he appears to have been in trouble. The fixing of election schedule for 45 women members of parliament can be readily cited as an example of a brewing rift. We shall not be surprised if the whole embarrassing scenario on such count during the tenure of M A Sayeed is re-enacted to present a yet more invidious clash of personality.

Justice M A Aziz commenced official functions with such a subject as would not have occupied the highest place in his priority list. He arranged a formal meeting with about 70/80 political parties most of which would have no following. Quite a large number among them existed only in paper or as totally domesticated platform. It was indeed a very funny congregation so much so that many of those representing such mushroom organisations couldn't even spell out the official names of the political parties they represented. Awami League and the mainstream opposition parties in the 14- party alliance, and in Gano Oikya Forum didn't participate.

The lone item on the agenda was to seek the opinion of the 'invitees' on the voter list. Precisely the CEC wanted to know from them whether or not the existing voter list should be updated or a new voter list should be made. The 4-party alliance represented by minister Khorshed Anwar of BNP suggested that the process for a new voter list be initiated. Although the CEC is yet to decide on the ultimate course a piece of his mind favouring new list is in the air. Here again there is difference of opinion with some of the ECs. The latter feel that there is absolutely no necessity to go for an altogether new list. In their opinion, it shall be colossal wastage of public money, let alone the time involved.

Just at this stage of my discussion I had the breaking news from the electronic media. The Chief Election Commissioner was reported to have made his decision in favour of an altogether new voter list. Details about such decision were made available to the public in all the newspapers on August 08, 2005 morning. It was revealed, inter alia, that the CEC took the decision all by himself without a prior consultation meeting with the two election commissioners namely, Mr Mohammad Ali and Mr Munsef Ali. When the file on such unilateral decision was sent to them, evidently to conform with the routine procedure, one of the ECs was reported to have put his note of dissent on the decision. The rationale for such disagreement was though not available, it could be guessed. Only 2/3 days ago Mr Mohammad Ali, one of the two Election Commissioners, had his decision on election of the women members of Jatiya Sangsad crossed by the CEC and put the former in a lot of embarrassment. It could be a clash of individual ego that got the upper hand.

The cold war between the two went to such an extent that the EC was compelled to cancel his press conference on August 07. The newspapers quoted the private secretaries of the two ECs which read that their bosses were forbidden to talk to any one from the news media. The private secretaries were also reported to have been scared of the secretariat of the election commission. In any case, the note of dissent from EC was reported to have alluded to the ordinance of 1982 in respect of voter list preparation and suggested adherence to that.

The CEC, in defence of his own decision, said to the press that he was the 'legal authority' to speak to the press, others were not. With an apparent tinge of sarcasm he was also said to have made an oblique reference to one of the Election Commissioner whom he alleged to "convene press conference at home". He thought such a stance as "immoral" as reported in the news media. The psychological as well as egotistic tussle seizing the Election Commission can be said to have been an ignominous extension of the past during the former CEC's time. All these are unfortunately being pursued at the cost of organisational efficiency. By the way, it is interesting to observe that the CEC has taken his decision in exercise of his positional prerogative, yet in full tune with the desire of the present government. One wonders if updating the existing voter list could fairly supplement the necessity or the legitimacy of an absolutely new one instead. We shall have to watch and see if the decision sparks off another spate of resentment among the opposition and makes their demand for reform of the Election Commission stronger still.

The whole world, particularly the developed one and those following its footsteps meticulously, have been reaping fabulous dividends adhering to corporate governance. There is practically no scope for any boss on earth to get the desired results towards fulfilling organisational objectives ignoring his supporting staff. Else, in the present case, the CEC will continue to find himself in a perpetual 'hornet' nest and eventually embrace unfathomable disgrace to lament for the rest of his life. Once the ultimate impact of a stubborn dispensation is honestly appreciated, the step to follow shall be restricting the organisation and asking for total freedom to work relieving it from the present dual accountability. Hopefully, the CEC will make a rethinking and get back to the tested track of modern management.

Kazi Alauddin Ahmed is a management consultant.