Keep the wolf far hence

The looming shadow of disaster has now taken substance. The hydra-headed Jamat-ul- Mujaheedin (JMB) monster is so widespread in its network and so deep-rooted and strong that in flagrant defiance and contempt of authorities it has claimed responsibility for the bombing incident by distributing JMB leaflets at every place of occurrence, proclaiming its objective of establishing an Islamic state based on sharia law and precepts. The extremists have thrown up an open challenge.

Yet these terrorist activities did not come from the blue without forewarning. For quite some time past -- specially the last three years after 9/11 -- the foreign press including Time, Far Eastern Economic Review, The Economist, and The New York Times Magazine have raised alarm bells about the rise of Islamic fundamentalists and the spectre of an impending Islamic revolution in Bangladesh, which they described as a "safe haven" of Islamic terrorists with links to international Al Qaeda operatives.

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US State Department, particularly Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is on record having said in course of an interview with India Today magazine during her recent visit to India that what was happening in Bangladesh was "troubling." The visiting US Asia Pacific Commander Admiral Fallon during his brief visit to Bangladesh expressed concern at huge cache of arms detected in Chittagong and Joypurhat falling into the hands of Islamic terrorists in Bangladesh.

But the government dismissed these warnings as western propaganda against Islam and remained indifferent.

The domestic press published extensive reports and comments on scores of bomb and grenade attacks on cultural functions, cinema halls, theaters, NGOs, mazars (shrines), meetings of the main opposition and communist party, British High Commissioner in Bangladesh at the Shah Jalal Mazar in Sylhet, the Ahmadiyya community, and many others killings and maimings of hundreds of innocent civilians including Awami League leaders ASMS Kibria and Ivy Rahman.

The uniform pattern of targets bore unmistakable marks of intolerance by reactionary Islamic terrorists of things and institutions they considered un-Islamic. The investigative reports in newspapers spoke of proliferating mushroom growth of quami-madrassas and training camps in 57 districts as breeding grounds of Islamic terrorists for waging an armed struggle to bring about Islamic revolution.

Newspapers also elaborately reported that the Jamat-ul-Mujaheedin Bangladesh was operating under a network of 30 different militant organisations and had one million members across the country, out of which 80,000 had taken training in the use of arms and explosives for waging a battle for Islamic revolution. There were daily press reports about Jagroto Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB) under the leadership of Bangla Bhai on a rampage of killing, repression, and kidnapping in the northern region apparently with the indulgence of the authorities.

Yet the government tuned a blind eye and deaf ear to these warnings by the local press and dismissed them as a smear campaign supported by the opposition to tarnish the image of the government. It acted only when faced with mounting criticism and concern expressed by the EU and the donor countries -- banning JMB and JMJB and arresting a few of their activists. But the action was at best piece-meal, half-hearted, and desultory, without any lasting effect. Many of the detainees have since been released on bail as in the past.

It is not entirely fair to blame the failure of intelligence agencies for the rise of terrorist activities by extremists. The agencies make no secret of their frustration at how many arrestees were released on bail and how their prosecution efforts were thwarted at the intervention of higher authorities in Dhaka. Clearly what is at fault is the lack of political will of the government to take the matter seriously. The government, flying in the face of substantive evidence to the contrary, denied time and again the existence of any Islamic terrorist in the country.

The Foreign Minister Morshed Khan reportedly described the August 17 bombing incident as "acts of a few hoodlums." True, Prime Minister Khaleda Zia returned to Dhaka, cutting short her China visit, soon after hearing the incident. But it would be more appropriate if in a nationwide television address she issued warning of stern action against the perpetrators and assured public safety and national security.

The government reluctance to deal with the perpetrators with a firm hand is intriguing. However, it is common knowledge that since August 1975 successive governments, past and present, without any exception, have pandered to and patronised the Islamic constituency to win electoral gains -- hence their reluctance to alienate their sympathies and support by taking firm steps.

The other explanation is the BNP government does not want to antagonise its Islamic coalition partners Jamat-e-Islami and Islami Oikya Jote by taking stringent action against the Islamic extremists, for fear of losing their vote banks in the next election. Although Jamat has denied any links with any Islami extremists, both the groups have similar objectives -- to establish an Islamic state based on sharia law.

Only a few months ago Amir of Jamat-e-Islami, Mr. Nizami, who is also a cabinet minister, declared in a public meeting that they have achieved their short-term goal of participating in the government, but their long-term goal was to capture power by penetrating into businessmen, engineers, and other professions to establish an Islamic state based on sharia law. Besides, according to some press reports, most of JMB were past members of Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of the Jamat.

The government has an impressive list of achievements to its credit in economic growth, education, health, crime control, and poverty alleviation. Yet observers attribute the credibility loss of its image and credentials at home and abroad to its fundamentalist trappings due to association with its coalition partners. Jamat, by denouncing the August 17 bombing as actions of RAW and Awami League, has betrayed its vulnerability to criticism of its sympathy for perpetrators of terrorist acts and has caused embarrassment to the government. The Indian government reaction was sharp when it denounced the statement of a senior cabinet minister as irresponsible. Jamat evidently is increasingly becoming a liability to the BNP leadership.

What is at stake is not winning or losing a few votes by the BNP. The question is of its political survival. The reaction of people to the events of August 17 is one of overwhelming shock, anger, and dismay at the inaction or inability of the government to deal with the perpetrators with firmness and determination and to stem the tide of terrorist activities in the country. BNP can redeem its popular support confidence if it can wipe out the Islamic extremists root and branch. It is no time for ambivalence, or to equivocate or to dither. The lesson for the BNP leadership now is: Keep the wolf far hence or with its claws it will kill again.

The nation is confronted with a serious challenge. It is a choice between democracy and theocracy. If the extremists are successful in grabbing power they will foist Taliban style theocracy on Bangladesh. The potential danger is frightening. Under the new dispensation there will be no Prime Minister, no President, no Parliament, but only the rule of an oligarchy of mollahs and clerics. Under the austere rule of the mollahs there will be only madrasas, and no school, college, universities. There will be no cultural activities of arts, literature, television, and music. The first casualty will be the women who, denied of education opportunities, will be reduced to head to foot burkha-clad apparitions, relegated to the confines of four walls.

The alternatives to democracy are to slide irrevocably to the dark medieval age of bigotry, ignorance, superstition, anarchy, and renunciation of life. The choice for the other alternative will be for democracy, freedom, progress, prosperity, civilisation, science and technology, and a fulfilling life. The choice is ours.

Leveling accusation and counter-accusation on the part of the government and the opposition on the issue is inconsequential and self-defeating. What is needed at this critical time is concerted and collective response by the government, the opposition, the civil society, and the public to confront and preempt the crisis. We shall overcome.

Abdul Hannan is a former press counselor, Bangladesh UN mission in New York.