What impedes a minimum understanding between AL and BNP?

Particularly, the chiefs of these two parties are attacking each other in language which sometimes exceed the limits of democratic norms and decency. The chairperson of the BNP and prime minister Begum Khaleda Zia in her speech the other day at the Paltan Maidan called the combined opposition by all the names available and then threatened to file sedition cases against the her and others for speaking against the government and inciting people to overthrow the administration. Such a speech was not expected of her. The nation has been disappointed.

On the other hand, the quick reply of Sheikh Hasina, the AL president and leader of the opposition, was also not satisfactory or befitting by any means. Sheikh Hasina threatened to file a counter case against Begum Khaleda Zia for the grenade attack of August 21, 2004, knowing fully well that she can at best file a case for an attempt to murder and nothing more. The rivalry between the AL and the BNP has reached such a height that arriving at a minimum understanding between them on important and crucial national issues seems to be a far cry.

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Now the question is what impedes a minimum understanding between the AL and the BNP?

First, both the AL and the BNP battle over the history of the country. The AL and the BNP wish to fashion the birth of Bangladesh reflecting the leading role by their founders. The AL wants to take full credit for achieving the independence of Bangladesh and downplays the role of others who fought the liberation war.

The constitution of Bangladesh that was adopted on November 4, 1972 did not contain the provision of the nation's father. The fourth amendment to the constitution brought by the AL government in January, 1975 declared Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as "Father of the Nation." Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman continued to remain the father figure and during the immediate past AL government headed by Sheikh Hasina was projected prominently in official ceremonies and functions.

Ziaur Rahman who read out the proclamation of independence over the radio was either ignored or downplayed.

The BNP founded by Ziaur Rahman in September, 1978 emerged as a leading party and ruled the country till March, 1982 when General HM Ershad seized power in a military coup. Since the fall of Ershad government in December, 1990, the BNP and the AL have been ruling the country in succession.

After coming to power in 2001, Begum Khaleda Zia initiated steps, according to some, to shift the focus of the liberation war from Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to Ziaur Rahman. This has enraged the AL.

Second, personalised animosity between Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, as manifested by their behaviour throughout the 1990s, acts as a serious impediment to a minimum understanding between them. Sreeradha Datta in her Bangladesh: A Fragile Democracy (2004) writes: "Much of their animosity revolves around the assassinations of Mujib and Zia. If the latter's lenience to Mujib's assassins kindled the Awami League's hostility towards the BNP, the Awami League was accused of tacitly backing Zia's assassination in May 1981. In short, each accuses the other of compliance in the death of its founding leader."

President HM Ershad skilfully exploited the Begum Khaleda Zia/Sheikh Hasina animosity to remain in power for about a decade.

Although Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina temporarily joined hands to bring the downfall of Ershad, they soon started to show their true colours. Both Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia have failed to gracefully accept their defeats in the parliamentary elections held since 1991.When in opposition they have resorted to street agitations, strikes and sustained boycott of parliament.

Personalised antagonism between Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina has reached such a level that they do not even meet socially. They do not have the time or the inclination to talk to each other.

Third, while the AL identifies itself with secularism, democracy and Bengali nationalism, the BNP stands for absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah, Bangladeshi nationalism and democracy. But according to many what really matters is that both parties fail to co-operate not only because they underestimate each other's political strength but also because each has an urge to establish a monopolistic rule by knocking out the other, believing that the losing party would simply fade away.

Fourth, during the last 14 plus years, many a government programme, both developmental and non-developmental, has suffered due to mutual ill-will of the two leaders. Although politicisation of administration is not an unknown phenomenon, it reached a new height during the successive rule of the BNP and the AL. The bureaucrats loyal to the AL have suffered during the BNP rule and vice versa. Instances are there to show that implementation of development programme(s) undertaken by the BNP government has either been stalled or slowed down by the AL government and vice versa. All these have been the causes of irritation of the leaders of these two parties and have thereby reduced the scope of understanding between them.

Fifth, political analysts are of opinion that the success of a parliamentary democracy depends upon the democratic spirit of tolerance, devoted sense of respect and relentless response towards the institutionalism of democracy. In a country like Bangladesh where democracy has made a fresh start, the political parties, particularly the ruling party or the leading leadership, must do everything towards developing a political culture that would contribute to the successful functioning of democracy. The onus primarily lies on the leadership of ruling party. To attain the objective, the ruling leadership must, among others, respect the opinion of the public and opposition, resolve all political disputes with the spirit of democracy, take all steps to make parliament effective and build up honest and devoted future leaders. But such a happy situation has not prevailed in the country.

Let me refer to two burning issues. The AL-led 14-party opposition combine has recently announced a programme. Reforms in the caretaker government (CTG) and in the Election Commission (EC) are the two most important points in the programme. But the BNP has not even agreed to discuss reforms in the CTG. On the other hand, the prime minister has invited 25 plus political parties and some professional groups to discuss and find out ways to combat the rising militancy including the suicide bombings by the misguided Islamic militants. But the main opposition AL has rejected outright the prime minister's invitation. Such behaviour of the ruling party and the main opposition simply blocks development of an understanding between them.

Sixth, a cursory look into the constitutions of the AL and the BNP shows that the president or chairperson enjoys absolute authority. Even the senior party leaders are hesitant to say anything that will not be liked by the party chief. According to the media, the BNP secretary general and the LGRD minister Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan agreed to discuss with the mainstream opposition all the issues including the reforms in the CTG. But the prime minister and chairperson of the BNP Begum Khaleda Zia has ruled out the possibility of any discussion on the CTG. This appears to have blocked the opportunity of a dialogue between the ruling alliance and the mainstream opposition to arrive at a minimum understanding on important and crucial national issues.

Last but not the least, an important feature in Bangladesh politics is the hereditary nature of leadership developed in the party system, particularly in the AL and the BNP. Sheikh Hasina joined national politics in 1981 as president of the AL banking on the image of her assassinated father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Begum Khaleda Zia joined politics a couple of years later banking on the image of her assassinated husband Ziaur Rahman. Although both of them are well settled in their respective positions, yet they are possibly pondering over abdicating to their successors. Begum Khaleda Zia's son Tarique Rahman is already a very influential figure in the BNP. According to many observers, his assumption of the chairmanship of the BNP is only a matter of time. The rise of hereditary leadership in the major political parties under the guise of democracy generally impedes the growth of politics based on understanding and good behaviour.

To conclude, a democratic system cannot function without political parties. Different political parties may have different political programmes and ideological opinions. But nothing should deter the political parties, in particular the ruling BNP and the main opposition AL, to talk to each other inside the parliament or outside to arrive at a minimum understanding on the crucial national issues. Above all, the country belongs to us all.

M. Abdul Latif Mondal is a former Secretary to the Government