No beating about Bush

Even after the end of the cold war, Washington had not forgotten New Delhi's unequivocal rejection of military pacts against the Soviet Union. When assembling allies against Moscow at that time, Washington had said that those who were not with it were against it. India's retort was in the shape of non-aligned movement, stringing together some 100 countries to serve as a bulwark against war which New Delhi feared from the West.

Clinton's visit to India was America's first public admission of neglect. Washington wanted to take visible step towards conciliation with New Delhi. That the two were open, democratic societies did not need to be projected. It was known even during the cold war. What Clinton wanted to convey was that America which rubbed India on the wrong side at one time was keen to make up with it. He was so solicitous for good relations with New Delhi that he did not visit Pakistan for more than a few hours. This was the time when New Delhi and Islamabad were hardly on speaking terms with each other.

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Probably, America's equation with India would have exceeded all expectations if the latter had not exploded the bomb. New Delhi's "no" to the signing of non-proliferation treaty (NPT) despite Washington's pressure irritated Clinton. But nascent good relations went up in smoke when India exploded the bomb.

Clinton could not have done anything even if he wanted to repair the damage because Washington and its allies saw in the explosion a New Delhi which had dared them and upset their scheme of things. How could a country like India, yet struggling to overcome its backwardness, dare do so? This was the dominant feeling in the State Department and the Pentagon which provided nuts and bolts to the policies anvilled at the White House. Clinton's effortsand personal wishescame to naught. The two countries were back to square one: the cold war-type of relationship.

President George Bush has picked up the thread from where Clinton had left it off. The 9/11 attacks on America have changed both Bush and his country. They wanted support. Pakistan caved in no time and offered all help in less than 24 hours. Bush realised that the war against terrorism was hard and long. India, with a large non-Muslim population, fitted ideally into America's plans, which were essentially against radical Muslim countries. He decided to woo India. It was also a big market. America and other western countries were so saturated that they could not absorb their own goods. Washington also noted with appreciation the economic reforms which New Delhi had introduced on its own. India's huge technical manpower made it all the more attractive.

This was the backdrop to the Bush initiative to do away with the sanctions imposed on India after the bomb explosion. He said bluntly that America needed India's 300-million middle class for the goods it produced. He signed with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in last July an agreement to share nuclear technology for power. Hostile opinion in both countries slowed down Bush. He has now done it, whatever his difficulties with the US Congress.

Once again, the bomb came in the way as it did during the days of Clinton. America recognised India as a nuclear power but did not want to give it the status which the nuclear club membersAmerica, the UK, France, China and Russiaenjoyed. The plea that India should not keep its fast breeder reactor (FBR) hidden from international nuclear safeguards was not the real reason. Nor was it the difference over the separation of civilian plants from the military ones. The argument that America would have to accord the same status to Pakistan some day too did not matter because of Dr A.Q. Khan's freelancing in the nuclear field. The main objective was to deny New Delhi a seat at the high table of nuclear powers. The agreement at Delhi may or may not do so. But the de facto status will in due course turn into the de jure one.

The US Congress and the media may still be biased against India for a variety of reasons. They have not yet reconciled to China's progress. How can they do so in the case of India which is still a land of snake charmers for most of them? But we are growing at the rate of eight per cent annually. Our economy needs technology and foreign investment. So long as we can work out some deal with America in these fields, we need not bother whether Washington is happy with our identification of civilian and military nuclear plants.

True, energy is our greatest need. The visit of President Chirac from France last month has prepared the ground. Now America's green light to all such countries should give us nuclear reactors and fuel. One thing we should remember is that there is no free lunch. America will expect from us more access to our market. How far we can go will be our predicament. Washington is not worried about the Left which has made little difference to the Manmohan Singh government's economic blueprint. America's worry is that India is not implementing economic reforms fast enough and in the way it wants. In spite of this, the two countries have developed confidence in each other.

Bush's visit has shown that Washington is keen to span the distance with New Delhi at full speed and cover in a few months the ground that they did not for decades. India is reluctant to go that fast. People are generally indifferent to America. They may or may not like Bush, but they are not against the US. Even now, when they talk about America, they talk about its riches. They consider it a maharaja, the title with which they are familiar. The worry is that the pro-American lobby has become so blatant that it wants to push New Delhi into Washington's lap, not leaving even the fig-leaf of non-alignment to cover its tilt towards America.

Islamabad is always at the back of New Delhi's mind.

How can America be equally friendly with Pakistan? India sees the US tilt towards Pakistan. Bush's trip to Islamabad is viewed as yet another proof. It is comical to see both New Delhi and Islamabad vying with one another to be in Washington's good books. Bush's visit has only intensified the competition.

Kuldip Nayar is an eminent Indian columnist.