People's victory in Nepal

Embroiled in the months long intense movement marked by weeks of street agitation against his autocratic rule, the beleaguered King initially offered olive branch in the form of asking the seven-party political alliance to name a prime minister since he "intends" to give back power to the people. This went totally unheeded and consequently, he enounced reconvening of the dissolved parliament on the eve of a massive demonstration that looked like threatening the royal palace itself.

Fortunately, belated wisdom dawned on him and the latest announcement helped quell the exacerbating conditions. That he is calling the parliament for a session on Friday and win go back to ceremonial monarchy expectedly triggered wild celebrations.

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The Himalayan kingdom, which so admirably introduced Westminster type democracy in 1990 ending more than two centuries old effective monarchy, but was later robbed off democracy, seems now reverting to people's rule. Indeed, it is a great achievement not only for Nepal, but all democratic forces all over the world. But this has been made possible at a huge cost of lives, much of which definitely could have been avoided had the King realised the gravity of situation a little earlier.

Former prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, president of the Nepali Congress, which enjoyed maximum seats in the parliament, has been logically named as future prime minister by the political parties. A people's agitation has obviously propelled him to power once again. But aging Koirala faces a daunting task of putting the nation on the trail of a smooth democratic governance despite its riding on the crest of popular upheaval. Evidently, he faces two main challenges. First, the fate of monarchy, which even as the ceremonial constitutional head, has been revered, but undeniably lost much of the respect because of the present King's dealing with the affairs of the nation. The parliament session which is expected to announce national elections for a constituent assembly, is faced with the task of deciding the fate of monarchy, and its scope and powers if this is to be retained in Nepal.

The seven-party alliance carried out the anti-King movement in collusion with the ultra leftist "Maoists", who are totally opposed to the existence of monarchy in any form and want to turn the country into a "People's Republic". The political parties are largely at variance with the radicals on this issue. However, the conditions have also changed by this time and all political parties may not see eye to eye on the monarchy issue even as constitutional head in the aftermath of recent happenings. The monarchy debate poses a big challenge since some people feel the country may continue with the "Twin pillar" of constitutional monarchy and elected government in line with Britain or Japan and many others strongly feel that the "Monarchy concept" must be scrapped altogether.

The second main challenge for the new government will be the sensitive issue of dealing with the "Maoists", who were partners of the seven-party alliance in the agitation, but now striking a different note in their attitude to the King and present situation. They kept themselves away from any celebrations in the wake of King's capitulation to the people's demand as they feel much remains to be done. They have even threatened to impose a blockade in the capital if their views are not taken into account by the new government. By this time the ultras have developed a strong army and control large areas in the countryside. How to deal with the "Maoists" and their policy towards the King is a matter of great significance for the new government.

The new prime minister has also to remember that the brief spell of democratic rule was also marked by political infighting, rampant corruption and revolving-governments that had largely eroded people's faith in their quality of leadership, which might have encouraged King Gyanendra to step in with absolute powers. Politicians need to take care about their own credibility and refrain from squabbles that earlier caused instability. Koirala's own party Nepali Congress itself was divided when former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba had led a faction. Deuba was the premier when the King dismissed the elected government on February 1, 2004, in an action that was seen as the last nail in the coffin of democracy in Nepal.

The Nepali Congress does not enjoy a good rapport with the Maoists while the other main political party the Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) has better relations with the radicals even though they differ on many matters. The armed actions of the Maoists is not supported by the most political parties and the level of their ties with the ultras may prove to be a very sensitive issue for the democratic government. However, they are aware that they all share the glory of success against the rule of the King and are expected to chart their course with great degree of circumspection. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen how all those involved in the people's movement conduct themselves in the changed scenario while basking in the pride of the success of a landmark agitation.

International community particularly two big neighbours, India and China, are believed to have great interest and stakes in Nepal. Democratic India has been supporting the political parties, but also made it known that it favoured twin pillars of ceremonial monarchy and elected government in the Himalayan country. Now India also says that it is up to the people of Nepal to decide on the monarchy itself in the aftermath of the recent developments. China seems to maintain that it would work with the friendly country of Nepal regardless of who is at the helm. It also dismissed any links with the "Maoists" named after the late legendary Chinese leader.

Undoubtedly, people of Nepal can justifiably boast of conducting a successful movement to restore democracy compelling the King who clearly was hell bent on clinging to power. It is expected that the politicians must fully utilise the gains achieved with colossal cost for strengthening democratic edifice and present a spectacle of good governance along with pragmatic steps to resolve the country's myriad problems. The task is difficult, but not impossible. However, it still remains to be seen how things take shape in the aftermath of the people's victory.

Zaglul Ahmed Chowdhury is Foreign Editor of BSS.