Two contrasting democracies

One may, however, say that genetically speaking, the native abilities and endowments of the Bengali speaking inhabitants of Bangladesh and West Bengal are not very different and therefore, there does not appear to be any convincing reason for Bangladeshis not being able to achieve what has been made possible in West Bengal. But is the situation on ground that simple? One may not feel very assured upon deeper analysis of the objective situation and judging things from a historical perspective.

If education is considered a largely determining factor in ushering political enlightenment then one must not forget that Bengali Hindus in large numbers took to Western liberal education from mid-19th century. Their nationalistic sentiments were very mature as early as the beginning of 20th century when many young men sacrificed their individual and family interests at the call of political leaders. The so-called terrorists, who were actually brave and defiant freedom fighter, were without exception Bengali Hindus. Their supreme sacrifices are now part of inspiring history.

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As against the above fact, Bengali Muslims started receiving the benefit of liberal education in some significant manner only after the enactment of Government of India Act, 1935 when Bengali Muslim leadership found itself in a vantage position to do some good to their co-religionists. The partition of India in 1947 greatly widened the opportunities of emancipation for the Bengali Muslims but it was the emergence of independent nation state of Bangladesh in 1971 which assured unencumbered patronage and State support for the same community. Broadly speaking, that much is history.

The important aberration that appears to be lost on many concerned individuals is that during the twenty four years of our existence in Pakistan, it was mostly the military and authoritarian rule which did not allow the growth and nurturing of democratic ideals and practices. In fact, the State of Pakistan disintegrated in 1971 because people's power was not acceptable to the military junta. Fortunately enough, the Bengali Hindus in West Bengal did not have to undergo any such ignominy. This scenario must be kept in view when one ventures to proffer advice on taking lessons from the Assembly elections in West Bengal.

When a population takes to liberal education later than desirable and does not breathe in democratic environment, its growth will be stifled, thereby giving rise to many abnormalities and deformities. In independent Bangladesh, too, we have experienced fifteen years of autocratic and authoritarian rule and as such the tyrannical predilections of supposedly democratic governments should not appear surprising. Autocracy and authoritarianism has brought the tone of public life to an all-time low. We have democracy without meritocracy. Ignorance, incompetence and dishonesty are not disqualifications for high public office, either in the ministerial ranks of elsewhere. In the absence of democratic practice for a long time we have subordinated the individual to the State so completely that, with some exceptions, the nation is now made up of one-dimensional men. Our State is dwarfing men without realising that no great thing can really be accomplished by small men.

We have willy-nilly embarked upon a crash programme of institution-bashing which appears to be a favourite pastime of political parties. We have devalued the judiciary, as we have devalued every other important institution. Instead of defending our judges against political pressures and threats, instead of insisting upon integrity and impartiality in judicial appointments, we have permitted the executive to appoint men who subscribe to the philosophy of the ruling party. The political and constitutional malaise is not recognised.

As against the above, the West Bengal scenario does not need the umbrella of a caretaker government to oversee elections because their institutions have not been experimented with and made disgracefully servile like ours. State Assembly Elections have been held on five different dates and Election Commission's authority has been seen to be so manifestly upright. This has been possible because the regulatory authorities have not been politicised and the distinction between private desire and public propriety has not been blurred. Constitutional positions retain their halo and service ethos remains unblemished.

The illiterate intelligence of our masses has been reflected in most elections but the educated incapacity of our intelligentsia could not appreciate it and hardly ever foresaw it. Our free nation was stifled by indigenous autocrats through its own apathy, follies of irresponsible utterances by strong headed dictators and brute force. History will also apportion the blame and the responsibility among a wide spectrum of the elected representatives who have betrayed their trust.

In West Bengal one cannot fail to be struck by the simplicity of the lifestyle of the politicians including the ruling party executives. Many live in rented houses while a good number of them do not own any property in State capital. Most people including the politicians have to pay their taxes and it is difficult to live comfortably beyond known sources of income. In fact, humility is the hallmark of many of their leaders as against the conspicuous consumption and ostentatious living of our politicians. There, half-educated brats cannot occupy the centre stage of politics by virtue of blood relationship or by illegally amassing wealth. Their democratic progress has been ensured by the combination of knowledge and power in the same individuals whereas our scenario is symptomatic of a grave crisis where some have knowledge and others have power.

Politics in Bangladesh has three basic ingredients. It is statemental, it is superficial in character as it does not reflect the ground reality and finally, it is visionless. Our politicians seldom talk in terms of issues, blueprints, action plan and targets. Issues which affect the day to day life of ordinary Bangladeshis hardly get any attention even from our educated classes.

In West Bengal, politicians have addressed the core issues. For example, 'Operation Barga' has given the farmer his reasonable due and has solidified his socio-economic position and in the process strengthened and extended the electoral base of left front. The extra emphasis and allocation of resources for education has helped in the creation of an enlightened democratic polity that has not forgotten the benefactor. Politics has not remained restricted to formation of governments, press conferences and statements of political leaders only.

The leaders of West Bengal consider their country as their mother and this bond has a moderating and civilising influence on their conduct. Their legislators are not primarily businessmen like some of ours.

It is time to realise that politics is taking one's agenda in one's own hands. It is about the process of change; how society is organised; what is its power structure; who are the actors. It is about social responsibility, about participation, about inclusion, ideas, new concepts and their implementation.

We cannot exclude social organisation from the purview of politics. We must know why different 'mafias' have emerged in our urban centres and if this is the result of institutional weaknesses or there are other reasons? If we restrict politics to politicians and their tantrums, and intermittent interventions by the military, then it will be reduced to a spectator sport. It will mean that we have no role in selecting players or any part in the business of politics. We have to ask for amenities as a matter of right, services in return for tax payment, respect and dignity as a citizen. We should seek ideas from leaders and not favours, and concrete action instead of loaded rhetoric.

If we want lessons from West Bengal then we cannot allow our politicians to use power to make private gain. The distinction between public property and private gains must be effectively established through a system of accountability. We would need a neutral civil service selected on the basis of a competitive examination, delegation of powers, local self-government and an independent judiciary.

The politician who has no track record of solving the problems of his hometown cannot be expected to solve intractable problems at the macro level. The legislator who is keen in the import of duty-free car and does not pay his telephone bill cannot be a real guardian of the people. The politician reputed for the single-minded pursuit of money is the real villain.

People and their leaders in West Bengal are perhaps taking lesser wrong turns at the crossroads and are hopeful of a bright future. In Bangladesh we can overcome the adversity if we do not let ourselves be corrupted by cynicism.

Muhammad Nurul Huda is a former Secretary and IGP.