Some reflections on adivasis

Md. Shairul Mashreque
THERE are about 30 lakh indigenous people in Bangladesh distributed among 45 ethnic groups. The Tribal Welfare Association (TWA) has demanded constitutional recognition of the indigenous communities. This association also demanded "establishment of a separate adivasi ministry to protect the ethno-diversity and rights of the indigenous people." Tribes living both in the hills and the plain areas are treated as ethnic minorities and are "pushed to the periphery" with the "denial of equal status with Bengalis." They are deprived of "land, education and social rights." We deeply feel that the adivasi people should get equal status and opportunities for shaping their destinies in a free and congenial environment. We cannot do anything to undermine their identity or give them the status of second-class citizens. The human rights issue covers adivasis -- their rightful share in the mainstreams of politics and administration and their socio-economic empowerment. Internecine conflict of ethno-cultural nature constitutes one of the problems in nation building in the face of abject poverty, illiteracy and social backwardness. Globally, ethnic conflict haunts post-colonial states "like a tenacious spectre." The post-colonial states are not "nations in being but only in hopes" (Rupert Emerson). In a multi-racial state like India the simmering ethnic violence in pluralistic societies and periodic eruption of violence continue to be the very basis of democratic norms and values. The Indian government, so far, has reacted violently with state terrorism and peacefully with democratic dialogue. Sri Lanka faced this problem even with its advanced political system. National integration was threatened by the rising militancy of a secessionist movement launched by Tamil tigers. The state adopted violent tactics to tame ethnic violence. Bangladesh is a homogenous state but it has still inherited tribal problems, including dissidence of other minorities, from the past. The crisis began in the early sixties, when the Kaptai dam dispossessed innumerable hill tribes in Rangamati. It was a colossal dislocation. The crisis was intensified in the late seventies when thousands of Bangalees were allowed to settle in the hill districts. As a sequel to this encroachment the sense of alienation increased, giving rise to a force to challenge Bengali settlers. The lingering crisis became a flashpoint where perpetual confrontation with the army turned out to be a threat to national integration. Although the famous peace treaty signed between the government and PCJSS in 1997 quenched the ferocity of the tribals in CTG Hill Tracts, the alleged procrastination in the implementation of the treaty bred frustration among the hill tribes. Santu Larma , the Chairman of PCJSS, expressed grave concerns over greater uncertainties hobbling development in tribal areas. Tribe-non-tribe antagonism became fierce, with a perpetual state of lawlessness in three hill districts. This tends to impair homeostatic balance of power in tribal communities. Some political groups and front organisations tried to whip up antipathy among the Bengali settlers, while the groups sympathetic to the rights of the indigenous hill people criticise the anti-tribe sentiment of the Bengali settlers. In this situation, PCJSS organised rallies, blockade and strikes. An annual report of the state department (2003) mentioned that these tribes were facing trouble in defending their entitlement to landed property. The sentiments of the tribes had been smouldering since the advent of the outsiders. With the march of modernisation, coupled with educational advancement, the aboriginals have by now become acquainted with the techniques of asserting their rights. They are coming in contact with many human rights groups upholding their rich cultures and spearheading a social movement against violence that continues to jeopardise their rights. Even then, they are living in a state of intimidation, facing structural and non-structural violence. We lament their lingering predicaments and deplorable conditions. The human rights organisations have pointed at the notorious land grabbing in the hill tracts. Recently, the news of withdrawal of army camps in the hill districts created news headlines. It is a laudable move by the present government, of course, but is opposed by the opposition forces that are critical of the peace treaty of 1997. The decision to "dismantle 35 temporary security camps in hill districts by September" was taken on July 29. In addition, the law minister said that CHT land survey would be carried out by the end of the year "to recover land of the indigenous people occupied over the years." The minister was speaking at the meeting organised by the Bangladesh Adivasi Forum (BAF). The forum brought out colourful procession on the occasion of Adivasi Day. We think the time is ripe for taking initiatives to implementation the peace treaty. We feel a wind of change is blowing over the hills. Let us hope for peaceful co-existence between the tribes and the non-tribal immigrants.
Dr. Md. Shairul Mashreque is a Professor of Public Administration, Chittagong University.