How much longer must we wait for press freedom?

On February 1, 1962, the first student strike and protest against Pakistan’s military rule took place at the University of Dhaka. Among the many demands raised that day was a very simple but fundamental one: “We must have the right to speak. We must have freedom of the press.” I was one of the participants in that day’s demonstration.

After that, through years of struggle and sacrifice, Bangladesh achieved independence. In the 55 years since then, the country has experienced many ups and downs. In July-August 2024, a nationwide mass uprising brought down an authoritarian ruler. It was an extraordinary and almost unbelievable moment in our history.

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The interim government then ran the country for nearly 18 months. People had high expectations of that government, but in many respects, those were not fulfilled. There were initiatives towards political and constitutional reform, but many did not progress very far. Some important recommendations of the reform commissions were also not implemented.

During the interim government’s tenure, newspapers, television channels, and other media outlets faced considerable difficulties in operating freely. Under various forms of pressure, media managements changed, editors were replaced, and many journalists were forced to leave their jobs. The media industry became quite unstable. As a result, newspapers and other media outlets often had to operate amid uncertainty and self-censorship.

Speaking from the experience of Prothom Alo, I can say that we, too, went through an atmosphere of fear. Throughout that period, we faced pressure and threats from extremist groups. Hateful propaganda was directed at The Daily Star and Prothom Alo, both inside the country and from abroad. In December 2025, extremists demonstrated in front of the Prothom Alo office for nearly seven days. These activities ultimately culminated in the burning and destruction of our office. On December 18, 2025, the Prothom Alo office remained on fire for almost the entire night. There was looting and destruction of property. Only after everything had been burned and damaged did law enforcement agencies clear the way for the fire brigade to arrive.

Those responsible within the government did not issue any direct or effective instructions to the police, Rab, or members of the armed forces to prevent the destruction. One or two advisers tried to intervene in their individual capacities, but those efforts were unsuccessful. After Prothom Alo, The Daily Star office was also blockaded and set on fire. Its employees were eventually brought out under extremely difficult and suffocating circumstances.

Although the interim government made various statements, there was no significant change in the situation facing the media. The government did, however, establish a Media Reform Commission that worked extensively on important issues concerning the media, proposing a range of short- and long-term measures. There was broad and positive consensus among journalists, editors, and media managers on many of these proposals. Unfortunately, the interim government took virtually no initiative to implement them.

After all these experiences, a general election was held on February 12, 2026. The administration, armed forces, and police worked together to conduct the election, while people across the country also wanted to see a credible election. BNP secured a major victory and returned to power after nearly 19 years. The important question before us now is: what direction will Bangladesh take after this change? More specifically, how will we ensure media freedom, the safety of journalists, and an environment in which an independent and responsible press can operate freely? That is the question that matters to all of us.

During BNP’s two previous terms in government—from 1991 to 1996 and from 2001 to 2006—I was the editor of Bhorer Kagoj and then Prothom Alo, respectively. During both periods, we enjoyed considerable freedom in practising journalism. In particular, during the 2001-2006 government, we strongly criticised many of its policies and actions. Yet this did not prevent us from having access to the prime minister or other leaders. We were not subjected to major harassment or legal action simply because of our criticism.

I remember having heated arguments with Begum Khaleda Zia when she was prime minister. At times, both of us became quite agitated during our conversations. But I never had to face punishment for expressing my views. During that period, I also had disagreements and arguments with Tarique Rahman, then a young BNP leader. There were debates between us in newspaper pages as well. Those disagreements were ultimately resolved.

In contrast, during the previous authoritarian government, journalists and editors were imprisoned, with numerous cases filed against them. People were intimidated and threatened. Prothom Alo and I personally faced sustained pressure. Various efforts were made to reduce the newspaper’s circulation. Government advertisements were withdrawn and, in August 2015, advertisements from around 50 domestic and international companies were also stopped. At one stage, the number of cases filed against me came close to 80. On March 30, 2023, a case was brought against me under the Digital Security Act.

In parliament, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina described Prothom Alo as “an enemy of the Awami League, enemy of democracy, and enemy of the country.” The journalists of Prothom Alo were also barred from entering the Prime Minister’s Office and attending various national events. In early 2024, the military intelligence agency exerted tremendous pressure on the chief executive of our company to give up ownership of Prothom Alo. Behind that pressure was also an effort to remove the editor.

The situation reached such a point that, had that government remained in power for a few more months, the management of Prothom Alo could have been taken away from us, and I might no longer have been able to remain its editor.

Those experiences have left an indelible scar on our minds. After the authoritarian Awami League government’s tenure and the multiple crises experienced during the interim government, the return of BNP to power has created a sense of optimism among the people. Given BNP’s past experience with newspapers and the media, we hope that Prime Minister Tarique Rahman and his government will, during this important transitional period, continue to adopt a constructive attitude towards newspapers, television channels, and the broader media.

BNP’s commitments concerning the media in its 31-point reform programme and election manifesto have strengthened this expectation. Point 11 of its 31-point programme specifically addresses the media. It proposes establishing a Media Commission to ensure full media freedom and comprehensive reform of the sector. It also commits to restoring an environment conducive to honest and independent journalism and protecting freedom of speech and expression. The programme proposes amendments to relevant laws and the repeal of laws that restrict fundamental rights, as well as steps to ensure justice in cases involving the killing and torture of journalists.

BNP’s election manifesto also states that fearless and impartial journalism will be protected and recognised, and that objective criticism will be welcomed. It says that ensuring the professional independence and security of journalists who engage in constructive and objective criticism is a responsibility of the state. It also proposes legal mechanisms and a special cell to prevent the harassment and persecution of journalists.

These commitments are important. However, no significant steps have yet been taken to reform the newspaper industry and the broader media sector. The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting has expressed interest in introducing a system for auditing newspapers and clearing long-outstanding bills, but these initiatives have yet to be implemented. There was also a meeting to discuss urgent reforms needed in newspapers, television, and the wider media sector following the proposal to establish a Media Commission. Since then, however, we have heard little about the matter.

Over the past few months, there have also been reports of unwelcome interference and changes in the internal management of some newspapers and television channels. Some editors and senior journalists say they continue to operate under uncertainty and pressure. In some cases, journalists are exercising excessive caution over particular reports and opinion pieces. There are also concerns about the government’s approach to the cyber law and the possibility that journalism and freedom of expression could be placed at risk under certain circumstances.

The government has completed only seven months of its tenure, so there is still considerable time ahead. But the urgent issues facing newspapers and the broader media sector need to be addressed without delay. Otherwise, we risk falling behind once again, and the freedom and aspirations of journalists could face another crisis.

In such a situation, I repeatedly find myself thinking of that day 64 years ago—February 1, 1962. That day, we raised the demand that we must have freedom of speech and freedom of the press. Through successive movements and struggles, Bangladesh’s political circumstances have changed again and again. Governments have changed. Political leaders have changed. The political landscape has changed. But the fundamental issues underlying our demands seem to have remained largely where they were all those years ago. And that is deeply unfortunate.

After 64 years, we still have to speak about those demands. We still have to ask for them. We still have to remind those in power that freedom of speech and freedom of the press are not privileges, but fundamental rights.

At the end of my 56-year career in journalism, I find myself standing in the same place once again. So I end with the same question that has stayed with me since that day in 1962: how much longer will we have to wait?

This is a slightly abridged version of a speech that Matiur Rahman delivered on the second day of the recently held Bay of Bengal Conversation 2026, organised by the research institution Centre for Governance Studies (CGS).

Matiur Rahman is the editor and publisher of Prothom Alo.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own. 

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