Is the government losing its grip on law and order?

After years of widespread human rights abuses under the Awami League government, the July uprising in 2024 created hopes for a new beginning. Although instances of enforced disappearance ceased during the tenure of the interim government, the overall human rights situation did not improve. Law and order deteriorated significantly, while mob violence became increasingly common.

During this period, people, disillusioned with the interim administration, began to place new hope in the prospect of an elected government. A survey conducted by Prothom Alo at the time found that nearly two-thirds of respondents believed an elected government would be successful in restoring law and order, ensuring freedom of expression, and creating an environment where women could move about safely and securely. More than half of those surveyed also expected the government to demonstrate tolerance towards differing political opinions.

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The reality is that the situation has not improved much since the elected government assumed office. Crimes such as murder, rape, mob violence, robbery, and mugging continue to occur frequently. According to data from Bangladesh Police Headquarters, 915 murder cases were registered across the country during March-May of this year—the first three months after BNP took office. During the same three-month period in 2025, 993 murder cases had been recorded, but 226 of those were linked to incidents that had occurred earlier. The comparable figure was therefore 767 cases. During the same period in 2024, the corresponding number was 794.

A report published by Transparency International Bangladesh, marking the BNP’s first 100 days in office, showed that mob violence has not declined in practice, despite the government’s announcement of taking a tough stance against such crimes. Reportedly, during March and April alone, between 69 and 80 incidents of mob violence claimed the lives of between 31 and 42 people and left between 70 and 125 others injured. In addition, between 14 and 18 people died in police custody. Five individuals were injured from torture by law enforcement agencies, while one person became a victim of extrajudicial killing. Seven people were arrested on allegations of hurting or insulting religious sentiments, and three incidents of communal violence were reported. Attacks on shrines, religious institutions, and minority communities have also continued in different parts of the country. Shrines and members of the Baul community in Dhaka, Kushtia, and Sylhet were subjected to attacks, arson, and vandalism, while one pir (spiritual leader) was beaten to death.

The deterioration of the country’s law and order and human rights situation is also reflected in a recent report by the Manabadhikar Shongskriti Foundation(MSF). According to their report, there has been a 77 percent increase in the number of people injured in mob violence between May and June. People are losing their lives in organised attacks triggered by rumours, allegations of theft, and accusations of mugging.

Meanwhile, a report by the Human Rights Support Society (HRSS) mentioned that three people were killed in June in incidents involving law enforcement agencies. Two died in alleged “gunfights,” while one allegedly died from torture in Detective Branch (DB) custody. Another four people died while reportedly trying to evade arrest. Among the most notable cases were the death of Mirza Ishtiaq Ahmed, a Chhatra League activist, in DB custody in Faridpur, with his family alleging police torture, and the killing of Robin Tripura, a UPDF member, during an exchange of fire with the Bangladesh Army in Khagrachhari. Such incidents raise concerns that the culture of human rights abuses by law enforcement agencies, prevalent during the previous Awami League government, continues to persist under the current government.

Concerns over freedom of expression have also intensified. During March and April, at least four people were arrested under Section 54 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, the Anti-Terrorism Act, and the Cyber Security Act, while another was taken into police custody over social media activity. According to HRSS, June alone saw at least 11 incidents involving restrictions on freedom of expression, resulting in the detention of 11 people and the filing of seven criminal cases.

A report by the Bangladesh Association of Journalists (BAJ), an organisation that works to protect journalists’ rights, found that during June at least 51 journalists were subjected to physical assaults, torture, or harassment in 40 separate incidents across the country. In one notable case, six journalists from Dainik Agrojatra Protidin were sued and the newspaper’s acting editor was arrested and detained in prison for several days after the paper published reports on corruption allegations involving a state minister.

Taken together, these developments clearly demonstrate that the reforms and structural changes required in the country’s political culture, law enforcement agencies, and judiciary have not taken place. Although individuals and uniforms within the law enforcement agencies have changed, no fundamental transformation has occurred. Meaningful structural reform of the police, other security forces, and intelligence agencies is indispensable for establishing even the minimum standards of human rights.

Last year, the UN human rights office (OHCHR) recommended the dissolution of the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), limiting the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) exclusively to border protection duties, and restricting the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) to military intelligence activities. The interim government led by Dr Yunus failed to implement these recommendations, and no initiative in this regard is so far visible under the BNP government, either. On the contrary, some initiatives by the interim government, such as the establishment of a Police Commission and efforts to reform the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), have since been thwarted. The BNP government has in fact repealed the National Human Rights Commission Ordinance, 2025 promulgated by the interim government. Moreover, the ruling party’s proposed draft has been criticised for undermining the independence of the NHRC, curtailing its authority to investigate alleged human rights violations by law enforcement agencies, and creating more scope for government control over the commission.

Overall, high expectations that the country’s law and order and human rights situation would improve under an elected government have not been fulfilled. No matter how much a government claims to deliver development or public welfare, it will quickly lose public support if law and order and the human rights situations remain unsatisfactory.

If the government is serious about improving law and order and upholding human rights, it must ensure meaningful reforms. This requires ensuring internal discipline within the ruling BNP and preventing its leaders and activists from engaging in violence, extortion, and looting. Also, the government must undertake comprehensive reforms of law enforcement agencies and the judiciary to establish a genuinely professional police force and an impartial justice system. It must also establish an independent and empowered NHRC capable of providing effective oversight and ensuring accountability of law enforcement agencies.

Ultimately, the scale of implementation of these measures will depend on whether the government in power genuinely recognises the depth of the existing problems and possesses the political will to address them.

Kallol Mustafa is an engineer and writer who focuses on power, energy, environment, and development economics. He can be reached at kallol_mustafa@yahoo.com

Views expressed in this article are the author's own. 

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