Let good apples drive out the bad
After the British left the sub-continent more than half a century ago, there were high hopes among Hindus and Muslims alike since two nations were created: Hindu majority India and Muslim majority Pakistan. All the hopes shattered within weeks of August 14/15 1947, when a few million people left their ancestral homes and property behind because of the fear of an ethno-religious cleansing and took shelter in new lands (Indian Muslims to Pakistan and Pakistani Hindus to India).
I knew the parents of some friends, who had made such a one-way journey to then East Pakistan from West Bengal with one box of belongings. It happened to the Hindus, too, who fled from East Pakistan to West Bengal.
Over the last half a century, South Asia has crossed many more milestones. One such achievement is the sustained democratic rule enjoyed by India since 1947. In recent years, however, democracy has been an "on again, off again" game in three other nations of the region: Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal.
In recent times, the South Asia region witnessed some optimistic developments as far as the democratic movement is concerned. Once again, Pakistan and Nepal, after experiencing major human tragedies on route to democracy, have newly elected governments.
Bangladesh is waiting in the wings, to return to a political government before the year 2008 ends. I am sure the present non-political government will have renewed commitment and resolve to bring the nation back to the democratic track after witnessing the successes of those two nations.
Many commentators and politicians alike are in doubt that the government, in the end, will be able to free the nation from the clutches of the politicians, their cronies in bureaucracy, and some unscrupulous business houses. Although it is true that some of the corrupt politicians, government officials and businessmen and women have been punished under the emergency rule, many remain untouched and unaccounted for. Let us illustrate further, one by one, those who may have been waiting in the wings for a come back.
First, let us take politics into consideration. It seems the EC has wasted enough time in trying to keep the waring factions of two BNP groups united. Who are they? They are the same old characters who were ministers and MPs during the BNP-Jamaat coalition regime between 2001 and 2006.
Certainly, the EC can no longer wait for these factions to become united and then take part in the dialogue under a single umbrella. Having seeing this waiting game, some people feel uneasy about the ultimate outcome of the long running emergency rule.
The EC, disappointed with the snail's pace in the unification process, has recently said that the warring factions of the BNP may jeopardise the time frame for the next election.
Second, on the subject of bureaucracy and overall public service, it puzzles the civil society that the cadres of political parties who have made public service not to serve the public, but to service their masters over the last fifteen years, have remained intact (only a handful of corrupt officials and one PSC member have been given jail terms so far).
There has not been seen any attempt to screen out or identify the public servants who had been cadres of political parties before joining. Under all the governments in the past, there were lists made for appointing 64 DCs on party lines. This is also a process the incumbent wants to adopt, however, for an opposite outcome.
The government wants to ensure that the district administration has been made free of all sorts of political influence or bias before the next election.
The list can also be extended to various cadres of the BCS, including police, who had been appointed in the last fifteen years. At a minimum, the nation expects the CTG to begin a genuine reform in public service. To make the reform process fair, one would like to see the PSC arrange in-service comprehensive tests on a regular basis for promotion, particularly for those recruited between 1991 and 2006 or have less than 15 years of service, irrespective of the positions they hold at present. This will ensure that inefficient officers will be driven out by the efficient ones.
Third, taking business houses into consideration, if the last fifteen months are a guide, it will not be an exaggeration to state that the CTG had little success in dismantling or reducing the role of business syndicates in the market place. In the recent past, it was clear that the syndicates could make a government a hostage at a time of crisis.
The unscrupulous behaviour was at its peak when, for example, the supply of rice was manipulated at the will of the syndicates. Those business houses must be brought to their senses by means of rewards and punishments in accordance with the existing laws against unscrupulous business syndicates.
In conclusion, for creating an inclusive democratic environment it is true that the politicians, bureaucrats, and private businesses need to work closely. It was a misfortune in this part of the world over a long period of time that these forces had been colluding in discharging their duties and responsibilities in order to preserve and strengthen authority and self-interest. This resulted in keeping the colonial rule alive and well even after the foreign power had left more than 60 years ago. At any cost, the nation has to get rid of the colluding forces once for all. One should not miss the present opportunity. The forthcoming dialogue between the government and the political parties must ensure that the good apples drive out the bad.
Moazzem Hossain is a freelance contributor to The Daily Star.
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