Mediterranean pomp
WHILE many Parisians have been en vacances, heads of states and governments of Mediterranean countries gathered here for a summit at the invitation of President Nicolas Sarkozy. With leaders from both north and south present, the final summit could be viewed as a success. But on the home stages those leaders are weak -- and now the difficult task begins -- turning hope into reality.
Otherwise the first summit of a Mediterranean union may turn out to be pomp without substance.
While nobody doubts the critical strategic importance of an oil-rich region mired in historic conflict, the plan to develop multifarious cooperation without settling the core Israeli-Palestinian dispute amounts to putting the cart before the horse.
Sarkozy first spoke about this project during his presidential electoral campaign in February 2007, then mentioning it again in May and August, after his election. He remained elusive, avoiding specifics, though this project was presented as a priority of his presidency.
Some observers were dubious. They thought that this project was aimed at softening Sarkozy's self-proclaimed image of "Israel's friend" in Maghreb countries, which were also alarmed by Sarkozy's ongoing immigration battle. On the domestic front, Sarkozy had infuriated the French Arab community by linking insecurity, troubles in the suburbs and their young Arab-Muslim inhabitants.
In a speech given in Tangier last year, Sarkozy officially proposed a Mediterranean Union, stating his belief that what happens in the region is not only crucial for its residents, but also for the rest of humankind. According to Sarkozy, it is "in the Mediterranean that will be decided whether or not civilizations and religions will wage the most terrible of wars, whether or not the North and the South will clash, whether or not terrorism, fanaticism and fundamentalism will succeed in imposing their violence and intolerance."
Thereby, Sarkozy makes the Mediterranean rim the epicentre of North-South relations and of the Muslim world and the West. Inspired by the achievements of the EU, Sarkozy wants to make strides by implementing concrete cooperation and projects. At first, the creation of the European Community was based on the idea of pooling coal and iron -- strategic resources in 1951 -- by France and Germany. As Jean Monnet stated, the aim of such a process was to "make war unthinkable and materially impossible" for countries that would fight against one another. The European Community did not start with a global plan but with a few empirical projects, and then turned out to stretch far beyond initial expectations.
Sarkozy doesn't want to imitate the European institutional pattern, but the practical approach that led to its creation, putting forward the idea of a diversified Mediterranean region where common projects would concern the contemporary equivalents of coal and iron -- environmental issues, energy, transportation and water. It would be, as Sarkozy stated, a "union of projects."
According to some, the plan appears visionary, while others perceive it as overly vague. His approach raises questions: How would this plan differ from the Barcelona Process, launched by Euro-Mediterranean foreign ministers in 1995, already blocked by the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? When he compares his plan to the European example, Sarkozy argues that the European Community was not based on the expiation of the Germans but instead on Europeans envisioning the future. The president was right, considering that one should not constantly live in the past -- however, if Europe managed to reconcile after WWII, it was because Germany reckoned with Nazi crimes.
Most of all, Europe succeeded because it was at peace. The common projects consolidated peace, but peace existed in Europe before them. Sarkozy's project must determine what kind of common projects could involve both Israelis and Palestinians. Is it possible for Arab countries and Israel to engage themselves in such projects without having first resolved this conflict? Cleaning the Mediterranean Sea of pollution, for instance, would benefit the area. Yet, how do shared benefits emerge, considering Palestine's lack of access to the sea and Lebanon's dilapidation caused by its 2007 war with Israel?
If, as Sarkozy emphasises, the Mediterranean region has huge strategic importance, it is because of the Israel-Palestine conflict, which lies at the heart of the relationship between the Muslim world and the West. As long as the conflict goes unresolved, Sarkozy's ambitious plans confront obstacles.
This is certainly the main flaw in the president's approach: He wants to speed the process so as not to be blocked by the Israeli-Palestinian issue, but as long as this problem exists, it's difficult to achieve anything major. No matter how useful all the cooperation projects may be, they won't overcome the central conflict, nor can they hide nor make up for the absence of peace there.
Sarkozy is presented as one of Israel's closest friends, never having been in the Palestinian territories and continually stating that Israel's security is of the utmost priority. He has never expressed much concern over the fate of the Palestinian people.
Yet, Sarkozy's positions on this issue have evolved. He now links the development of terrorism and the fact that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is still unresolved. He warns that the continuation of the conflict will play in favor of Islamism, Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran. A fair solution is needed to keep these extremist movements from increasing their political impact.
Usually, Israel's closest friends avoid drawing such a link between the development of radical Islamism and Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories.
Sarkozy must also fight on another front -- the European one. If, at first, European leaders were grateful to Sarkozy for putting an end to the European treaty deadlock thanks to the promotion of the "mini-treaty," they are now slightly upset by his methods. They tend to consider him as self-centered when he tries to present himself as the main, if not the only, reason for that success. His handling of the release of the Bulgarian nurses from Libyan jails -- attributing the outcome to his work and dismissing European collective efforts -- irritated his Europeans colleagues.
Sarkozy is considered a free rider, not a team player. The same is said about the Mediterranean project. It's perceived as a French national project, launched without European consultation.
Earlier, Jean-Pierre Jouyet, Secretary for European Affairs, warned that the Mediterranean project is on the wrong path, perceived as a competitor to other existing European projects including the Barcelona process and the neighborhood policy.
Grandiose projects, like charity, must begin at home, and for Sarkozy, Europe is that home.
For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel.
Comments