Perspectives
The resurrected BJP with its malignant Hindutva
As Modi's model has worked in Gujarat resulting in a big win there is little doubt that the party will use Modi as its mascot both in assembly elections in other states and Lokshava election, though whether he can polarise electorates in the states other than Gujarat is debatable. It will take some time for the new sets of power equation in the BJP to crystallise, but for the moment Modi looks taller than any one else and absolutely capable, with his brand of more masculine Hindutva as a potent weapon, to take on any rival to his rise.
DECEMBER 6, 1992 was the apogee of the belief that the Indian Muslims must pay for the 'sins of their forefathers' and came crumbling down the five-century old Babri Mosque in the hands of Hindutva zealots. Last month the tenth anniversary of this day of infamy passed off amidst renewed trauma and an enguish of a desecrated national soul. Simultaneously, however, it had also been tragically demonstrated a decade later in Gujarat as to what could happen to the society if the breakers of the religious sanctity ever assumed state power. The attack on Babri Mosque was in a genre of its own. It revealed a medieval fundamental mindset which had been to tally at odds with India's syncretic culture. The villains of December 6, 1992 wanted to show that the minorities would henceforth have to live in India by the terms set by the majority. Their intention was also to demonstrate that the pluralism and secularism would be junked in the Hindu Rastrya of their dream. The despicable demolition of the mosque was therefore a negation of every fact of modern life which India had been painstakingly building since independence -- democracy, the rule of law and a multicultural polity.
But what happened on 12 December, 2002 in Gujarat was indeed far worse. As the result of the election fought primarily on communal mobilisation started powering in on that day it physically eclipsed the model of great diversity, a pluralistic world view and multi-religious as well as multi-cultural terrain that had for long characterised the ethos and perspectives of Indian civilisation. It was as if their ramparts were directly assaulted. Even if the dangerous process has started in Gujarat, it threatens to spread to other parts of India. Apart from giving Narendra Modi a landslide and the triumph of vitriolic hatred the Gujarat syndrome points to even deeper and far more extensive spread of communal virus having impact on the shaping even of societal behaviour. Gujarat has not only seen the reversal of independent India's fundamental values but also the chipping away of democratic ideals -- the Indians are so proud of!
This is unmistakably in the footstep of the programme charted by Golwalker, the RSS' most important ideologue. He introduced his diabolical ideas in the garb of now familiar Hindutva; an omnibus, collective, Sanskritising ideology which articulates 'bhadralok' interests within a viscerally communal, intensely nationalistic Hindu supremacist framework based on the utopia of a 'unified' Hindu community. Golwalker's programme could be implemented only through wilful sabotage of the constitutional order by chipping away of democratic values, undermining parliamentary norms and tampering with judicial process. The Vajpayee cabinet has meticulously accomplished the first part of Golwalker programme and perhaps consciously left out the second part presumably with the intention of not further smearing its image.
Narendra Modi instinctively took up the second part of the same programme by organising spectacular bout of communal violence with typical storm troopers' tactics. Modi implemented his part with unique brutality by enacting independent India's worst anti-Muslim pogrom. In the process the BJP has indeed been resurrected by Modi at a time when the party was virtually on retreat. It already lost much of its attractions -- as a party with difference. Many of its adherents started turning their back to its continuing anachronism. Disgusted by its poor governance, to persecution of the minorities, manufacturing controversies and an archaic world view in which they even attempted to rewrite history and change the education curriculum, the frustrated voters were convinced that the BJP was not what it pretended to be. It is significant that prior to the state-sanctioned communal violence in Gujarat -- the only major Indian state ruled by the BJP -- the party was losing ground everywhere all the time. In all local elections and bi-elections before the riot the BJP was fairing poorly. So poorly that the party even decided to change the chief minister to avoid an electoral catastrophe during the assembly election. Over a period of last two years the BJP suffered a demoralising series of electoral defeats in the states across India. Its political stock was in uninterrupted decline and few believed that it would be able to return to power in 2004 general election.
Against this backdrop the BJP's sweep of Gujarat on December 12 state assembly election is certainly a turnaround in the fortune of Hindu right. Godhra and its aftermath presented the party an opportunity for resurrection -- this time decisively with its malignant and more masculine version of Hindutva. Led by a new Hindutva cult figure the chief minister Narendra Modi, the BJP worked with desperate resourcefulness to capitalise on communal polarisation that occurred in the wake of Godhra killings on 27 February, 2002 and the genocidal anti-Muslim pogrom unleashed in 'retaliation' by the militant forces of Hindu right with the state sanction and complicity. And the credit, if any, for it is entirely reserved for the BJP's new mascot -- Narendra Modi.
Gujarat election and its results is not just another electoral exercise of the republic. It has apparently brought the BJP politics, if not the national politics, to a crossroad raising complex questions. What Mr. Modi is up to? Or, where will he be led up to? Has Vajpayee inadvertently created in Modi his Frankenstein? Many think Advani to be the next boss. But would he step into the slot of the PM when the more militant forces of BJP have been bracketing him with Vajpayee for their conciliatory posture?
Modi's victory is widely seen as that of strident youngsters within the BJP over the mellowing old guards of the party. Conversely, the upperhand gained by new generation of BJP adds only to the strength of Modi even at the national level. Backed by the hardliners in the BJP and hot heads in Sangh Parivar Modi already considers himself as one answerable to none and as the new icon for the BJP's brand of aggressive Hindu ideology. According to observers, none can stop him now from capturing the citadel of power in Delhi.
Earlier, the Gujarat violence saw a virtual dilution in Vajpayee's authority and moral standing both as the head of the government and the party. On occasions he was defied by Modi, even if indirectly. Whether it was the killing of 59 Hindus in the train or about 2000 Muslims done to death by Hindu mob in a carnage of revenge, Vajpayee found himself in defining moments where he was helpless. Even Advani has realised that Modi has grown too big for his boots. Not withstanding the fact that Advani praised Modi 'as one of the best CM we have ever had' Modi denied a nomination to Haren Pandya, Advani's betenoire in Gujarat.
As Modi's model has worked in Gujarat resulting in a big win there is little doubt that the party will use Modi as its mascot both in assembly elections in other states and Lokshava election, though whether he can polarise electorates in the states other than Gujarat is debatable. It will take some time for the new sets of power equation in the BJP to crystallise, but for the moment Modi looks taller than any one else and absolutely capable, with his brand of more masculine Hindutva as a potent weapon, to take on any rival to his rise.
Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.
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