Kashmir needs help, not politics

We, the MPs of different political parties as well as independent members, felt so angry against Pakistan, which allegedly trained and harboured the militants, that both the houses, the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, insisted on the government taking some action. The then BJP-headed government rushed the armed forces to the border where they stayed put for nearly two years, confronting the Pakistan army, eyeball to eyeball.

This time, after the blasts in Delhi, India's response made more sense. No soldier was moved to the border. No protest was lodged with Islamabad. The fallout was taken in its stride. The Indian team which was at Islamabad during the blasts to finalise the points of entry at the Line of Control (LoC) was instructed to accept Pakistan's demand for five and not to persist with India's stand of three.

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The Manmohan Singh government appreciated the fact that more entry points would facilitate relief and rehabilitation of the earthquake victims on both sides of Kashmir. Many in Pakistan feared that the Indian team would go back. President General Musharraf himself thought that New Delhi would "haggle" over the number of entry points. So much so, he told Khaled Almeena, Editor-in-Chief of Arab News, published from Saudi Arabia, one day before the agreement that:

"Tomorrow you will see for yourself what is happening -- whether we are haggling or they are haggling." Musharraf turned out to be wrong because he did not anticipate Manmohan Singh's anxiety not to disturb in any way the growing cooperation that was developing between the two countries after the natural calamity. Even otherwise, Islamabad has failed to appreciate the depth of India's feelings to befriend Pakistan. People to people contact has helped change the mood and the usual tension has disappeared. Manmohan Singh has reportedly told Musharraf more than once that India wants to have the closest relations with Pakistan and jointly pursue efforts for the economic development of the region.

Indeed, it was a bold decision by the Indian Prime Minister to agree to five entry points when the dead bodies were piling up in Delhi following the bomb blasts and when public opinion in India felt outraged after it had responded generously to the loss in Pakistan. (New Delhi has allocated $25 million for the quake victims). Manmohan Singh stood by his words that the process of conciliation with Pakistan was "irreversible."

But when terrorism from across the border remains unabated what does the Prime Minister do to mollify angry Indian opinion? This is the question which may be bothering him. A country where the society is open and where all avenues of communication are free, it is not possible to influence people to think in a particular way. The terrorists have revived violence in the valley as well. New Delhi is bound to feel angry when the Lashkar-e-Toiba, Markaz Dawa and other Islamic outfits still operate from Kashmir under Pakistan, if not from Pakistan itself. This is the reason why Manmohan Singh was at pains to tell Musharraf on the phone that there were "external linkages" of terrorist groups, clearly telling Pakistan to put its house in order. The same point has been emphasised by the UN and the US. The response by the Pakistan foreign office was cliche-ridden. The spokesman said: "Unless they (India) share the evidence with us, it remains a mere claim which we cannot accept."

Musharraf was more forthcoming in an earlier statement: Pakistan was ready to join India in the probe into the attack and offered total and unequivocal support. Why couldn't the spokesman repeat what Musharraf had said? Even if India's allegation was a "claim," it should not have been rejected straightaway. It would have been better if Pakistan had announced the constitution of a commission headed by its Supreme Court judge to go into the charge of cross-border terrorism which India has alleged continuously. The proposed commission can invite New Delhi to provide evidence or even travel to Delhi to get it. India would be embarrassed if it did not cooperate.

Islamabad cannot just dismiss the religious aspect, "the jihad spirit," which seems to animate militant Islamic groups and even al-Qaeda. Kabul has complained about it and New Delhi has pointed its finger at it. There is no doubt about the terrorists operating from the Pakistani soil despite its claim that it has banned such organisations and taken strong action against them. Islamabad will have to come out with something in the form of a visible action to prove its innocence.

The pressure of religious parties, on which Musharraf depends, is understandable. But he cannot ride two horses at the same time. Whatever internal compulsions, he will have to close down militant camps, the addresses of which New Delhi has given. Their number may have come down. But even the operation of one camp arouses the suspicion that Islamabad wants to keep the option of such an alternative open if and when it wants to rebuild pressure on India.

At this time, when both countries are in the midst of relief and rehabilitation, Musharraf's observation in his interview that there was an opportunity to move on the political front makes little sense. Where is the time? Where is the congenial atmosphere? Where is the focused attention it requires? Both governments are busy finding shelter for thousands of people who are still living under the open sky. However necessary the talks on Kashmir may be, this is not an opportune time. Politics, quarrelsome by nature, may spoil whatever goodwill has been built so far between the two countries.

All our attention should be focused on the rehabilitation at this stage and I wish it could be done jointly, not only at the official level but also at the NGO level. The Delhi blasts have already lessened the enthusiasm among the ordinary Indians who have been sending material and money directly or through the Pakistan High Commission. Pakistan has to take into consideration India's sensitivities. Blasts on the one hand and the revival of violence in Kashmir on the other have poured cold water over India's eagerness to participate.

Even if the two countries were to join hands wholeheartedly, their efforts may fall short of the daunting task that they are facing. Finding shelter, food, clothes and medicines for lakhs of people is not an easy job. According to the UN estimate, tens of thousands of people might die. How odd sounds the voice for a political discussion on Kashmir amidst the cries for help and succour?

Kuldip Nayar is an eminent Indian columnist.