Awaking from slumber
But now we cannot deny it anymore, because the truth has hit us in the face, and it has hit hard. Lintner's prophetic words have hit home, and we are today a nation not simply affected by terrorism. We are ravaged by it. And we may be on our way to being ruined by it. But still we live in denial, attributing the present state of affairs to a narrow political dimension. It is imperative now that any effort to liberate Bangladesh from the clutches of the terrorism that afflicts it, focuses on the roots of the problem, rather than just look for a quick fix or even more abhorrently, use it as a political tool. Almost no other channel has been explored with the exception of political ideology. Much as this narrow perception restricted international efforts against terrorism in its early days, it restricts the Bangladeshi effort today. Terrorism is not just a political problem. It is the accumulation of political, social, and economic problems.
Just between us, we know that there are those amongst us some who, if not supportive of, are sympathetic towards, the cause of international terrorist organisations such as Al Qaeda and Hamas. That is not to say we condone their methods, but that we share with them a common realization. That the people they claim to represent (the far-too-long oppressed Palestinians being the prime example) can have a better life, indeed should have a better life. For us it is a realization borne as much out of a sense of identity as of a spate of sympathy.
Religion is, after all, the most potent uniting factor of all, by virtue of faith being beyond judgement. In the grand scheme of things, the faith in question, be it Islam, Christianity, Judaism, etc is of little significance. What is far more important is that there is a common thread running through a particular segment of the population. As long as there is, the words of almost any religion, particularly the ones which have seen the most bloodshed, can be manipulated to convince its adherents that it is justifiable to kill.
This is illustrated by the fact that all three monotheistic religions (and Hinduism as well) have had terrorist acts carried out in their name at various points in history. Today, we hear of Islamic terrorism. But that has less to do with Islam itself, than with the conditions in which Muslims live today. If faiths in all religions of the world were reversed today, with no change in the quality of life, it is a fair bet we would be more likely to be hearing of some other form of religious terrorism dominating the news. Anyway, we only have to deal with what is, and right now it is in the name of Islam that most terrorism is being carried out (excluding state terrorism, of course, which is beyond the scope of this article). But it is not only there that the similarities between terrorism in Bangladesh and international terrorism come to a halt.
There is, of course, a political element to terrorism. Ambitions of a new order, which almost all terrorist organizations from Al Qaeda to JMB harbour, can only be described as political. But political ambition is the reserve of only the top brass in any organization. Beyond them, all other members, particularly those on the periphery such as supporters, activists, and sympathizers, merely believe or have been convinced to believe in its vision. They themselves do not entertain hopes of any political power. The willingness to sacrifice one's own life in a suicide bombing is verification of that. They are merely foot soldiers, much as voters are the foot soldiers of democracy rather than politicians themselves. Abdur Rahman may have hopes of leading Bangladesh under Sharia law, but Abul Bashar was willing to give his own life simply because he believed in a better life for his brethren under Sharia law. No top leader in any terrorist organization has readily given his own life for the cause. They need those at the periphery to fulfil those tasks which fall outside the scope of politics.
But where do they get the people to do their dirty work ? Most often, they are recruited from the most marginalized sections of society. This holds true across all countries where terrorist organizations are based, and it is no different in Bangladesh. They are people who you reckon almost cannot be worse off, yet have no hope of being better off. People for whom the promise of a heroic death and glorious entry into heaven is too seductive in the face of a mundane existence and humiliating rejection from society.
In the poorest parts of a country such as Bangladesh, such prospects are almost too easy to find. Marginalization being the key, it is growing inequality rather than absolute poverty that spurs recruitment into terrorist organizations. The corrupt state apparatus is seen to favour only those who are prosperous (and indeed, they are right in this) and is therefore quite predictably, the natural target. With latest figures showing rising national income only benefiting those who are already well off and not trickling down to those at the other end of the spectrum (in fact they have become even worse-off), the pool from which JMB draws its members is becoming even wider, not narrower.
Our two main political parties have responded characteristically, blaming each other, and ignoring the truth that the blame lies on the shoulders of every government that has ruled Bangladesh, certainly those in the last two decades or so at least. Terrorism is not the consequence of a few years of poor governance, but of a few decades. The twin towers of New York did not fall because of George W. Bush's ascent to the presidency in America, but because of 50 years of misguided American foreign policy in the Middle East. The deaths of Ivy Rahman, Rajib Barua, and Golam Faruq were not the natural consequence of the BNP's second term in power, but of the decades of misguided development policy that Bangladesh has endured since independence. I dare paint the grim picture that unless the Awami League can look into this aspect, the situation will be no more better off under them. Leaving aside their tendency to shoot themselves in the foot, free and fair elections in 2006 will almost certainly see them gain power now, because the BNP has clearly failed again, but what is worrying is that the AL has so far only engaged in typical mindless banter in the aftermath of bombings, rather than given any indication of faring any better. The mud-slinging disease that has manifested itself in our politics for too long now seems by no measure to be waning. If this is all our political leaders will ever be good for, we can categorically conclude the terrorists will eventually win. Right now, it is only a large part of the picture, and that is a bad enough situation. In truth, the line dividing life in a strict, Talebanesque state and life in a democratic one where you are likely to be blown to bits at any time cannot be too thick.
The question has often been raised of how you know when you have defeated terrorism. When does the battle end? The answer is you don't know. Like dormant volcanoes, they can erupt at any time. Any country committing itself to fighting terrorism must sign on for the long haul, to a permanent fight. That is why any strategy to fight terrorism effectively must encompass the long-term picture. Sheikh Hasina has suggested that the government could have prevented the latest bombings, since it proved it can provide a secure atmosphere during the Saarc meet. A ridiculous argument, coming from a former and potentially future head of government. The massive security operation undertaken during the Saarc summit is logistically impossible in the long run. Just as importantly, the limits the operation placed on our civil liberties is something no country wants to put up with in the long run. That is not, and will never be the long-term solution. The solution lies in pursuing effective development policy, the harvest of which will be reaped in the long run through the creation of a harmonious, egalitarian society. And this has to entail:
- Regional development in economically backward areas spurring job creation and economic welfare for inhabitants;
- Decentralization of the economy away from just the existing one or two prosperous centres, in particular Dhaka;
- Appropriate measures ensuring a more equal distribution of income and greater social integration, suppressing the "us versus them" mentality between different classes of society; and
- A vast improvement in governance restoring faith in the democratic process and precluding the need to venture into alternative, extremist avenues.
The requisite short-term measures include the fairly obvious beefed-up security, particularly for stated targets, and a massive drive directed at hunting down and raiding all terrorist training camps spread across different parts of the country in addition to greater border control. All these measures were ignored far too long in an effort to pose as "moderate" Islamic nation, as if that would ensure the longevity of the image we desire to portray. Even today, there is a false belief amongst the general public that we Bangladeshi Muslims are too moderate to go the Afghanistan way. To them, a reminder is perhaps due that the same Afghanistan which became synonymous with extremism under the Taleban was once not only a moderate, but rather a liberal Islamic state.
Our battle against terrorism will not end overnight. It will span consecutive governments and generations. It is therefore absolutely crucial that our political parties, regardless of what else they agree or disagree on, unite in this fight rather than let it divide them. Otherwise the work of one government cannot be carried on by the next. The track record of our politicians makes it almost certain that this will not happen, and so it may be that in addition to the measures outlined earlier, there is a need for an independent Terrorism Commission that operates above party lines. All that I deem necessary is admittedly unlikely to materialize in the framework of our rotten political atmosphere. There is too much bickering, too much partisanship, too much of an emphasis on self rather than public service. And that is probably why, as cynical and pessimistic as it may sound, we should all be pleasantly very, very surprised if we ever do see ourselves winning the fight against terrorism. But here's hoping against hope that someone will rise to the challenge and provide that surprise.
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