Lack of integration in Europe

The violence was sparked off on October 27 with the accidental deaths of two teenagers trying to flee the police in one of the suburbs of Paris. In the course of the next few days, this riot, the worst urban violence since the problems of May 1968, slowly fanned out into other cities like Toulouse, Toulon, Draguignan, Strasbourg in the east and Nantes in the west. Subsequently, tourist centres like Blois and Quimper also came under attack. Among the targets of the rioters were churches, nursery and primary schools, town halls and police stations as well as warehouses, car dealerships and even a film studio at Asnieres outside Paris.

In the beginning, most neo-conservative journalists and commentators saw only the superficial side of events. Some were even quick enough to label this riot and unrest as a 'broad clash of civilisations' between Islam and the West. Some columnists like Mark Steyn went to the extent of drawing parallels between the riots in different cities in France with the Muslim conquest of Europe in the eight century. The situation came to such a pass that one of France's Muslim organisation, the UOIF, reacting to official suggestions that Islamic militants might be orchestrating some of the rioting, issued a Fatwa against the unrest.

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Fortunately, both inside France and outside Europe, the real causes started to slowly reveal themselves. Op-ed pieces and comments pointed out that it was not prudent to be hasty and to focus solely on the Islam card. In this context, many observed that the incidents and pictures bore greater similarity to the race riots in the USA in the 1960s rather than what was happening in the Sunni enclaves of Iraq. These analysts commented that the rioting French youth refrained from waving green flags or signs with crescents. There was also no evidence of slogans supporting the Palestinian cause or rabble-rousing rhetoric about Islam. In fact, Fareed Zakaria writing in the 'Newsweek's magazine on 21 November, noted with interest that most of 'the young men' when interviewed by the media, 'were irreligious and talked about respect, jobs and discrimination not jihad.' In addition, contrary to extreme right-wing French media reports about external involvement, it was also revealed that more than 92 per cent of those arrested during the riots were French citizens.

The shock of the conflagrations has raised many questions about the scope and effective integration of people of foreign descent within Europe in general and France in particular. Having served as Ambassador in different European countries and also as Permanent Representative to the European Union, I have closely watched how Europe has been attempting to deal with its changing demography and the problem of integration of its large and varied immigrant community. I have had to deal first hand with the frustrations of first generation immigrants of Bangladeshi origin in various European countries and watched the difficulties being faced by them in their continuing process of assimilation. I have also observed the tension and distrust that exists within immigrants of North African origin towards the host community in the BENELUX areas, particularly with regard to socio-cultural issues (despite the fact that they are mostly fluent in French). All of them frequently complained about a 'glass ceiling' that prevented vertical mobility.

People, for the past two years, have been raising questions about the shaky status quo prevailing in cities throughout Europe and the need for reform. Their anxiety was further heightened during the French riots because of minor incidents taking place also in Berlin, Brussels and Athens. Worried Europeans were also on the edge because it reminded them of the recent riots that took place in the Netherlands after an Islamic extremist murdered filmmaker Theo van Gogh on an Amsterdam street. Across Europe, leaders and observes weighed up the state of race relations in their won run-down neighbourhoods and sought to assess whether the kind of social tensions fuelling the French protests could soon spill over into their streets.

Rome's Mayor Walter Veltroni, heading a city with a large immigrant population, immediately camp up with recommendations for 'putting in place integration policies that respect people's identity and at the same time help prevent exclusion and rejection'.

Romano Prodi, Italian Opposition leader and former Prime Minister, also reacted with great apprehension and pointed out that Italy had some of 'the worst suburbs of Europe' and that 'it was only a matter of time' before something happened in his own country. European Commission President Barrosso recognising the time-bomb within the body politic of Europe, also acknowledged the existing challenge. Consistent with general opinion that the rioting was a manifestation of prevailing frustration over unemployment, Barrosso indicated that 'the best social politics is to create employment' and assured that one billion euros could eventually be made available by the European Commission for job creation and to help social cohesion.

Europeans, particularly the French, have always prided themselves about tolerance. Collective soul-searching have however started after this latest episode in France. Sociologists are trying to ascertain the reasons behind the failure in the integration of citizens of foreign ethnic origin. President Chirac, quite correctly has stressed that France will have to understand "the consequences of this crisis, and do so with a lot of courage and lucidity"

This riot has forcibly opened the eyes of the sophisticated Parisians towards the poverty that continues to exist in places like Clichy-sous-Bois, just a 30 minute drive from the Eiffel tower. This was difficult to avoid given the steady stream of dreary images into drawing rooms reflecting deprivation and poverty.

Europe understands that their demographic demands she entry of immigrants. Spain for example, will require one million fresh immigrants workers entering her territory if it has to sustain its robust growth. The same is true of Italy and Germany.

This economic angle has now persuaded many economists to observe that the problem is not being caused by new immigrants. They are pointing out that this recent bout of instability is due to anger welling up among the second and third generation descendants of previous immigrants who were born in European countries and have grown up thinking that they should have exactly the same rights and opportunities as everyone else. They agree that despite claims of equality of opportunity, these young people are finding out in many cases, that their 'religion, their culture, their colour or their surname' has not only 'walled them out of the European dream' but also transformed them into dissatisfied members of a minority and part of a large underclass. This view has also been reiterated by Azouz Begag, the Equal Opportunity French Minister of Arab descent-'French people who descend from elsewhere suffer because of their face, their name, their religious beliefs that are assigned to them'.

This complex European brew has been further muddled with suspicions that have evolved after 9/11. Prejudice has grown about people of Islamic origin. There is also now less patience sometimes not only within the host community but also among European or British born children of immigrants. Mr. David Lammy, British Minister of Culture, of immigrant stock from Guyana, has commented after the French violence that 'tolerance for blatant forms of discrimination is no longer common'. Consequently, youth feel estranged and excluded from full participation in the land of their birth. This awareness, this sensitivity, is also increasing the vulnerability among such young people. Their anger makes them susceptible to extreme dogma. This is what must be tackled not only in France but elsewhere in Europe.

There is today in Europe a distressing nexus between race and poverty, between race and parliamentary representation and between race and economic opportunities at the higher end of the corporate scale. Any intellectual European will mention that Europe is colour-blind. Unfortunately, that is not so. The French National Assembly has no member from mainland France with African or Arab backgrounds. Similarly, there are only 15 members, with minority heritage in the British Parliament out of a total 646 MPs (less than truly representative). Unemployment is high in France as well as in many other countries in Europe. However, it is almost 40 per cent in the immigrant inhabited areas of France --considerably higher than the national average.

Some of this unemployment, both in France and Germany, is due to artificially high minimum wages that discourage companies from hiring young people. Concerns over labour structures, red tape and over-regulation have also not helped matters. There is also the slow pace of reform. It is against this scenario that the alarm bells have rung in France. The riots have presented Europe with both a choice and the impetus to make it.

It will not be enough to just talk of multi-culturalism and equality. Integration and better economic opportunities have to be seen to happen. Politicians also have to move towards social integration. The relatively poorer community of immigrant background will have to be given easier access to credit so that they can set up small and medium industries and create jobs.

The European Union institutions have already taken many steps towards integration within an expanded and diverse Europe. The European Commission should now take pro-active measures towards recognition of ethnic-cultural diversity and the avoiding of imposition of an artificial European uniformity upon society. The banning in schools of head scarves or any symbol of religious belief has not necessarily been a good thing. A multicultural identity only makes the society we live in, that much richer through diversity.

What is at stake today in Europe is the future of a pluralisitic society with multi-religious identities and absence of parochialism. Invoking a 1955 law might stop rioting and restore calm on the streets of France, but this will be temporary and artificial unless more attention is given towards opening up avenues of employment and understanding within different immigrant communities and also in their inter-action with the host community.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador any response to mzamir@dhaka.net