Post Breakfast

We must reaffirm the spirit of Bijoy Dibosh

Muhammad Zamir
December has a special significance for the citizens of Bangladesh. These last few weeks of the year symbolize all that is best in our national psyche. On December 16, 1971, we reaffirmed certain principles through our sacrifice -- both individual and collective. We did not hesitate when we came to the crossroad. We took that extra step that established an independent country on the map. Despite genocide and political crisis, we cross the divide. Our liberation struggle in a manner of speaking was a vote against injustice, militancy, fundamentalism, and discrimination. We ushered in democratic promises and reiterated equality, equity, and fundamental freedoms. We upheld human rights in our pursuit of a brighter future filled with dignity and absence of fear.

Many queries have however now surfaced as we continue our march through our thirty-fifth year of independence.

Several factors -- social, political, economic, and cultural are beginning to shred the moderate image and the matrix that our nation has been used to. Our nation is now under attack and time has come for renewed soul searching and introspection.

Recent events have sharply underlined a persistent slide in the maintenance of law and order. Instead of moving forward, the state of governance under the present alliance-led administration has taken the country on a roller coaster ride that is not only chaotic but also serious in its political dimensions. At every turn we are being branded with the red-hot irons of the corruption perception index and terrorism. Militancy, mal-practices of partisan politics, and criminal nexus between politicians and profiteers have created a bleak scenario.

This situation has been further compounded by the fact that we have only a few months before the tenure of the current administration comes to an end. We also have unresolved political issues that need to be addressed before end-September 2006. This includes the apprehension of fourteen political parties about the possibility of holding a free, fair, and impartial general election under the next caretaker administration.

As a former student of English literature, I am tempted to suggest that there is a Shakespearean touch to the next act in our national political drama. I am reminded in this regard of a few lines from the soliloquy of Hamlet, Prince of Denmark in Scene 1, Act 3 of that immortal play which bears the Prince's name:

"Ay, there's the rub, for in that sleep of death (caretaker governance) what dreams may come (administrative changes and electoral engineering) when we have shuffled off this mortal coil (the current alliance administration) must give us pause."

There is no denying the fact that this spectre has created a spirit of disquiet and is affecting the body politic of the country. It has, quite justifiably, also resulted in demands for reforms both within the Election Commission and the format of the future caretaker government.

Bijoy Dibosh is an eventful occasion. We remember it and observe its anniversary because of the portals that this day opened for us. It is also a symbol of what might happen when an entire nation is unified. It is also a metaphor for the strength that can be generated when the political leadership and the civil society can work together to resolve problems and outstanding issues through discussion, negotiation, and compromise.

Our prolonged War of Liberation initiated democratic norms and paved the way for our Jatiya Sangsad. Unfortunately, today we have a disappointing, non-functioning parliament whose partisanship has destroyed its essence. This has resulted in the absence of meaningful discussion of controversial issues in that body. Democracy has not been allowed to thrive there. Instead, one has watched with dismay the Speaker categorically rejecting Opposition lawmakers' demands and notices for discussion of subjects like rise of militancy within the country and the abnormal price hike of essentials. Newspapers have reported that the Speaker took this decision after pointing out that it was not possible to hold discussion as the police administration and government intelligence agencies were already taking necessary action in this regard. Such an approach has not helped to persuade the Opposition that meaningful discussion can take place within the Parliament. No wonder that they are boycotting this august institution.

I now turn to the "bhool" of militancy, extremism, and associated terrorism. It is sad that a nation that has always prided itself on its mosaic of music and moderation should find itself today in the unenviable situation of being a hostage in the hands of terrorists.

The stakes have been raised higher with the mayhem and carnage unleashed with high-powered explosives in Chittagong, Gazipur, and Netrakona. These incidents have also underlined the necessity for the government machinery to be seen to be effective. We have had a gaggle of comments from the Prime Minister (also in charge of the portfolio of the Home Ministry) and her many cabinet colleagues -- and they all appear to be rather superficial. At every opportunity, acts of terrorism and militancy are being passed off, most conveniently, to the doorsteps of others.

It was, as such, particularly welcome to see the High Court intervening through the issue of a Rule on the government on November 30, 2005. This was due to an interesting writ petition seeking an Order, whereby the government would have to submit progress reports to the High Court every two weeks on the investigations into the militant attacks on the various court premises. The government, as expected, has appealed to the Supreme Court. The move however assumes significant because it asks the government to show why government omission in taking adequate and effective measures to ensure security of the members of the judiciary and court-users should not be declared to be a failure to protect fundamental rights of citizens.

Hopefully, both the ministries of Law and Home Affairs will now take things more seriously and be seen to be effective in discharging their duties by bringing the perpetrators to justice. One would also expect intelligence agencies to employ themselves more gainfully in deterring militancy rather than keeping watch on BNP party members who differ with their high command over the treatment and handling of the militancy issue. Dissent within the party is a sign of democracy at work. The government should be judicious enough to understand this and permit the carrying out of anti-militant activities without interference and intervention. The necessary political will must also be found whereby the police and law and order personnel feel reassured that they will not be subsequently victimized for their impartial action. The greater interest of the state demand this.

We must remember that when democracy does not work, the very foundations of the country are affected. We need to learn from other practicing democracies. I am not a great fan of Prime Minister Blair. However, what happened on November 9, 2005 in the House of Commons demonstrated the quiet strength of parliamentary democracy. On that date many members of the ruling Labour Party defied Prime Minister Blair, opposed and defeated a Bill sponsored by him (aiming to restrict freedom in the name of fighting terrorism). Prime Minister Blair accepted his defeat with grace. This also consolidated democratic traditions in that country.

It must be understood that dissent does not mean disloyalty. The process of pluralism of thought was the essence of the struggle that culminated in our Bijoy Dibosh. Without this we will be guilty of shredding the ethos of human rights. This can eventually unleash a totally unwholesome ripple effect.

I mention this because like some others I am worried about efforts to curb the independence of the media. I agree that journalists have to be responsible. However, their ability to express themselves must not be shackled through threats of punitive action. We need to understand that they are the conscience of the country. They reveal existing weaknesses and give us the opportunity to correct ourselves. Their efforts with regard to curbing corruption and militancy must be seen from this point.

We are faced today with a national emergency. The threat of Islamic militancy and intolerance has to be contained in the same manner in which we undertook our struggle in 1971. As a group, they are highly motivated and organized. They are obviously also able to work as a dedicated group and maintain secrecy in their planning.

Such a situation requires unity and a bi-partisan approach. Our way of life throughout Bangladesh is at stake. We have to create an effective resistance against this misuse of religion for narrow sectarian ends. The government must be seen taking meaningful steps. Mere denial of being associated with these misguided people is not enough. Till now, the measures taken have been woefully inadequate. Common people continue to live their lives in anxiety. Educational institutions, courts and mediums of transport have come under attack.

We have heard ministers mention that this militancy will be overcome in two months. If this cannot be done, then, please resign. Many other governments have stepped down for much less. Do the honourable thing. Call fresh elections and renew your mandate if you can.

We must not allow Bangladesh to drift towards being a failed state. We send our international peacekeepers abroad to maintain peace and ensure stability elsewhere. But why can we not maintain peace within our own country? We are today under attack. We must be victorious once again against the scourge of misguided terrorism. We owe it to the millions of martyrs who gave their today for our tomorrow. We owe it to our children and the future promised to them on December 16, 1971.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador.