Straight Line
The lurking threat
Who will use these against whom?Photo: STAR
THE large-scale haul of grenade making materials and other lethal explosives along with deadly accessories by Rapid Action Battalion (Rab) from the possession of alleged religious extremists in the capital city once again brings to the fore the ominous threat to our democratic existence. The dangers posed to our constitutionally ordained pluralist dispensation by such extremists are, by now, well known and, therefore, need no further elucidation. The silver lining in an otherwise precarious scenario is that the law enforcing agencies have not lessened their vigil in an environment of diminished overt activities of the terrorists during the last two years. The above incident once again proves, if proof at all was necessary, that the discontinuance of violent acts by the so-called religious extremists for some length of time was no guarantee of a comfortable scenario. The reason is simple. The unhealthy growth and harmful rise of such extremist groups in our body-politic is not known to the general public and, more disconcertingly, its damage potential is not adequately appreciated by the political establishment. Beyond, and in addition to, the admirable piece of work done by Rab, there is an urgent need to embark upon a concrete course of action involving the practitioners of constitutional politics, principally to sensitise the body politic about the regressive effects of the so-called religious extremism. No matter which political alliance comes to wield power in the not-too-distant future, the threat of so-called religious extremism cannot be wished away. Even an incorrigible optimist will agree that under circumstances as obtaining now, we need to be vigilant. We have to admit that the reality of the threat of violence and subversion from some religious outfits and institutions was abundantly clear from the first quarter of 1999. The attack on eminent poet Shamsur Rahman, the planting of extremely high-powered bombs at meeting the place and helipad in Kotalipara where the then prime minister had an official program, the discovery of huge explosives and bomb making materials at Sonar Bangla Soap Factory at Gopalgonj owned by Mufti Hannan (now in custody), the attacks on a Communist Party meeting at Paltan Maidan and at the Bengali New Year cultural function at Ramna Park, to mention a few, were credible evidence to the steadily growing mischief making potential of the extremist groups. There was credible information about some apparently charitable and voluntary bodies which were receiving funds from abroad for activities that were dubious and could not be satisfactorily explained. The fact that some such bodies were asked to close their activities in Bangladesh, and that the expatriates from Middle Eastern and African countries working in those organisations have now left, is clear testimony to their association with Bangladeshi elements believing in un-constitutional ways of achieving their socio-political objectives. Whether extremist elements have flourished due to the support and encouragement of ruling parties and the establishment may be a matter for a probe, but the threatening reality is that they have not been under effective surveillance at all times. The determination and deadly attacks on the state apparatus, with attendant panic, were adequate proof of the unhindered growth and sustenance of persons and organisations who want to upset the constitutional way of life. Our failures were manifest. We may have to ask ourselves if a perception had developed among the terrorist groups that the Bangladeshi state was inherently incapable of meeting their challenge, and that it had become soft and indolent. We may have to ascertain if quite a few parties have developed a vested interest in a soft state, a weak government, and ineffective implementation of the laws. Are substantial foreign funds flowing to various organisations and groups which serve, willingly or unwillingly, the long term objective of some political parties suspected to be aligned, or sympathetic, to some regional or international terror network? Since terrorism of the so-called Islamic extremists has increased, thereby demanding changes in the strategy to counter it, are we ready to seriously study the problem? This is natural because we do not witness credible attempts being made to examine links between terrorist groups, the conditions in which they had spawned, the politician-militant nexus and other forms of patronage these groups receive, the proliferation of small arms leading to the growth of private armies etc. The question is, are we trying to appreciate all the factors that contribute to the "quality and extent" of internal security threats? Another specific question could be whether our failure to deal with the terrorist crime is largely attributable to the inefficiency and corruption of the law enforcing machinery. What may or may not be done to countervail the malevolence of the extremists concerns every right-thinking Bangladeshi, but equally, if not more significant, is what kept the state apparatus in a deep slumber while the bigots carried on virtually undisturbed. There is a creeping suspicion that there never was a dispassionate appreciation of the real threat scenario. In other words, was there no effort to pinpoint the threats posed to our democratic polity and, by extension, to our independent national existence? These questions should bother us because patriotic citizens of the People's Republic of Bangladesh must know the answers. The pernicious culture of playing to the tune of unscrupulous political masters or pandering to their unholy wishes by the state investigating agencies has not occurred all on a sudden. Spells of unconstitutional rule, particularly during 1982-90, have substantially damaged the ethos of our public service, including the investigating agencies. While leadership deficits account for some malfeasance, the real damage has been done by an insensitive and myopic dictatorial establishment that was hell-bent on messing-up all regulatory and corrective institutions. The unwholesome effect of such institution-bashing is now being felt by a concerned citizenry. One is, however, not oblivious of the fact that the democratically elected but temperamentally dictatorial regimes since 1991 have not been any better in realising the damage done to the professionalism of the services. The halo and élan of public service has meant little to the political leadership, who spent more time and energy in fostering the growth of pliable and time-serving personnel for achieving their selfish goals. While the public's right to be informed cannot be denied and the nation's concern for the safety and security of innocent lives cannot be brushed aside, we will perhaps do well to look at the factual dimension of the bomb blasts in a dispassionate manner. Almost immediate apportioning of blame, mostly on rivals of the other camp, by responsible persons after each occurrence has become a pathetic recurrent reality. Indiscreet and uninformed comments in such sensitive matters further compound the environment in our society, where almost everybodyfrom the humble to the mightyhas some expertise on law and order. Extremism of the so-called fundamentalist variety can be countered by a joint strategy of persuasion and tough action, with political direction being conspicuously pronounced. The acumen needed is political sagacity and patience to fight the painfully long battle against extremist depredations. If it is a political battle with armed support and not the other way, we will definitely overcome the present predicament sooner than expected. Violence must not be allowed to be a way of our life along with a political consensus to abjure it. One would not be far from reality in saying that the Bangladesh polity is now being challenged by extremist groups that profess a philosophy of life and of government inimical to the beliefs and life styles of the mainstream. In fact, we are now facing an adversary who is armed well enough to commit widespread violence. One has to remember that, while in our free society our defences and deterrents are largely prepared in an open fashion, our new antagonists have succeeded in building a formidable wall of secrecy and security. There is, therefore, a need to break through the shield of secrecy of the bigots. There should be a firm resolve to be forewarned and forearmed. The forewarning by itself would be an effective deterrent to the bigot's appetite for attack. Intelligence gathering on the so-called religious extremists should not be a subject of authoritative ambivalence. Concerned authorities must be able to avoid bending of facts obtained through intelligence to suit or defeat a particular political view-point. We may have to admit that we are not really at peace with the so-called religious extremists because they have declared war on our system of government and life. The reality is that we are faced with a closed, obscurantist and scheming enemy. We should not hope to maintain our position securely if our opponents are confident that they can attack us on any subject, time and place of their choosing and without any forewarning. We should be able to unequivocally condemn all acts, methods and practices of terrorism that are aimed at the destruction of human rights, freedom and democracy. Concern should be there when we witness efforts towards destabilising of lawfully constituted governments, the undermining of pluralistic civil society, and the adverse effects on social and economic development. Our strategy should be to remove the aspect of "motive" from any act of terrorism and public destruction, thereby denying the possibility of describing some acts as political violence rather than simply terrorism. The aspect of endangering human lives or jeopardising individual freedom should be highlighted. We should be able to draw a dividing line between mindless violence and violence aimed at a larger purpose. Democracy has to allow the interaction of different shades of opinion or divergent views to ensure the vibrancy of a pluralist society. However, that does not mean that there will be freedom to convert the entire country into a theocratic dispensation by application of force and intimidation, and the litigant public has to approach the clerics for resolution of disputes and judgment, as demanded. There is a challenge to our way of life. This must be realised by the mainstream political parties who are pledge-bound to uphold, protect and preserve our constitution. Therefore, the visible enemy must be caught by the forelock and be dealt with under the law. A sovereign Republic born out of a historic struggle entailing epic human sacrifices demands that. We must not fail.
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